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Gonzalo Ordez‐Matamoros Michelle Vernot‐Lpez Ornella Moreno‐Mattar Luis Antonio Orozco 《政策研究评论》2020,37(2):174-200
International research collaboration (IRC) is associated with both positive and negative effects on the performance of research in emerging economies. While some authors claim that North–South collaborations improve scientific quality and visibility for Southern countries, others claim that it may entail the reorientation of research to comply with Northern agendas. South–South collaborations are thought to increase the focus on local affairs, therefore leading to a relatively small number of scientific international publications appearing in “high quality” journals. Research on the impact of IRC beyond publications in international journals has been neglected despite the importance of other products in knowledge creation. This research uses a broad range of scientific outputs to empirically assess such assumptions and explore the outcomes of IRC in Colombia. Results from multivariate regressions and nonparametric analyses show that, contrary to common assumptions, Colombian research teams collaborating with partners from the global South report higher scientific production, while those collaborating with Northern countries seem to contribute to local knowledge the most. 相似文献
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Lhawang Ugyel;Michael Givel;Dendup Chophel; 《政策研究评论》2024,41(3):491-507
Gross National Happiness (GNH), a concept first introduced by Bhutan, has gained immense traction as an alternate development paradigm to GDP toward achieving wholesome global progress. In this paper, we investigate the origins of the policy of GNH, through the theoretical lens of the punctuated equilibrium theory (PET), and when and how GNH came to the national agenda. By focusing on the year 2008, that is, when Bhutan's Government transitioned from an absolute monarchy to a democratic constitutional monarchy, this paper analyses the key events that serve as policy windows and the policy entrepreneurs responsible for agenda-setting the policy of GNH. We argue there is a major change, such as, the government changing its form from monarchy to democracy, it is a definitive benchmark as to what punctuation means. In addition to providing a definitive meaning of “punctuation” in public policy, we also identify and discuss the key methodological issues in relation PET and offer explanations through Bhutan's policy of GNH to determine policy punctuation and measuring policy change. 相似文献
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Inhye Heo 《Asian Politics & Policy》2023,15(4):605-622
In South Korea, conservatism and progressivism were formed under major political and socioeconomic challenges since the establishment of the country in 1948. Moreover, the intensifying ideological polarization between conservatives and progressives since 2010 is discussed. Considering that these ideological terms were developed while overcoming national challenges, it is highly likely that deepening ideological polarization is related to the new challenge of economic inequality, which became rampant at the time. This article argues that the Korean government's measures to address inequality have affected ideological polarization. Specifically, the development of conservatism and progressivism in the Korean context are discussed and conservative governments' market-oriented policies and progressive governments' policies to address inequality are examined. Conservatism expanded during this process while progressivism strengthened, which was critical to the deepening of ideological polarization. Finally, the implications of this study are discussed. 相似文献
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The literature of electoral reform explains politicians' preferences and social forces such as working-class power or expansions of the suffrage are the major factors that bring about a change in electoral rules. However, we argue that generational replacement and electoral issue effects lead politicians to introduce a new electoral system for their electoral survival in future. By examining Japan's surveys for pre- and postreform elections, we show that the entrance of new generation and salient issue concerns dissolve electoral bases of political parties and finally give rise to a change in the rules of the game for the greater electoral stability that political elites desire. 相似文献
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Given the myriad of policy instruments aimed at enhancing water quantity conservation available to municipalities, what drives them to opt for a market-based instrument (MBI)? MBIs can be effective and efficient policy instruments to enhance water quantity conservation, but there is little known about why municipalities utilize them. This study hypothesizes that three contextual elements influence a municipality's use of an MBI: the natural, political, and structural environment. The results from two logistic regression models suggest that in a municipality suffering a higher drought level, both a conservative political environment and operating under a council-manager form of government (with the effect more pronounced under a non-council-manager form) will increase the likelihood that it will use an MBI to address water conservation. 相似文献
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Junghwa Choi;Wesley Wehde;Romit Maulik; 《政策研究评论》2024,41(1):104-134
Public support is a key contributor to successful policy adoption and implementation. Given the urgency of climate change mitigation, scholars have explored various determinants that affect public support for climate change mitigation policy. However, the relative decisiveness of these factors in shaping public support is insufficiently examined. Therefore, we deploy interpretable machine learning to understand which factors, among many previously investigated, are most decisive for structuring public support for various climate change mitigation policies. In this paper, we particularly look at the decisiveness of problem definition for shaping public support among various factors. Using U.S national survey data, we find that how individuals define the issue of climate change is more decisive for structuring public support for promoting renewable energy and regulating pollutants to mitigate the risks associated with climate change. However, the results also indicate that the most decisive factors associated with public support vary depending on the types of mitigation policy. We conclude that different strategies should be utilized to increase public support for various climate change mitigation policy options. Our findings contribute to a scholarly understanding of the specific politics of problem definition in the context of environmental and climate change policy. 相似文献
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《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2014,47(139):65-100
The principle of balancing is an argumentative structure that provides juridical solutions when fundamental rights have problems coexisting with one another. It allows to maximize fundamental principles within their own factual and juridical boundaries and consists of three sub-principles: suitability, necessity and weighting. The sub-principle of suitability serves to determine if state intervention in matters of fundamental rights has a constitutional basis. The sub-principle of necessity has the purpose of determining if the state intervention in fundamental rights is the least onerous alternative. The weighting sub-principle allows us to choose the constitutional principle that should prevail. The principle of balancing is a tool to bring harmony between fundamental rights in specific situations and it is superior to other methods of constitutional interpretation because it does not state a hierarchy a priori in constitutional principles but promotes the maximization of fundamental rights if possible. 相似文献
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Maria Manuela Tavares Ribeiro 《议会、议员及代表》2017,37(3):335-338
In Portugal the republican regime broke ties with the monarchy, advocating the need to reassume the national principle, as well as the secularization of its foundations and of the state itself. With the establishment of the new parliamentary republic in 1910 and the debate between republic and monarchy, the supporters of parliamentarianism saw a rupture in the composition and relationship between the powers foreseen in the constitutional charter of 1826, which gave more power to the king during the period of the constitutional monarchy. This made republicans grow closer to the constitution of the French Third Republic, the Brazilian constitution of 1891, the 1812 constitution of Cadiz and the 1822 Portuguese constitution, owing to the fact that these were radical liberal constitutions that conferred national sovereignty. The republicans put forward various arguments both to defame and to defend parliamentarianism. Nevertheless, as in the constitution of 1822, the republican constitution of 1911 stipulated that the congress (the Portuguese Parliament) would be, in theory, the only body that could regulate the political guidelines of the republic. 相似文献