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151.
BEN CLIFT 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(2):282-291
This article analyses Ségolène Royal's rise during 2006 to become the first ever female mainstream French presidential candidate in the context of ongoing presidentialising tendencies within the French Fifth Republic. It considers the extent to which Royal's candidacy represented a turning point for the French Left, not only because of her gender, but also because of her challenge to the Left's traditional organisational and ideological norms of presidential electoral politics. Her participatory democratic campaign organisation, Désirs d'Avenir by-passed traditional party authority structures throughout 2006. However, in the face of declining poll ratings, Royal's candidacy reverted to a more orthodox relationship to the PS as 'presidential party'. Ideologically, her novel political language and down-to-earth style combine with a complex blend of egalitarianism and authoritarianism which treads novel ground. Yet the intriguing elements of her political vision have struggled to coalesce into a coherent and credible presidential programme. 相似文献
152.
郑广淼 《北京政法职业学院学报》2008,58(2):74-77
新法国婚姻法有两个亮点:一是使离婚纠纷平静化,使离婚原因和离婚结果不再有关系;二是加快了离婚程序的步伐。本文根据这些内容与中国婚姻法中的相应制度进行了比较,希望能够为中国婚姻法提供有益的启示和借鉴。 相似文献
153.
Fiona Ferbrache 《Citizenship Studies》2019,23(5):502-520
The French Constitution restricts local electoral rights to French nationals and EU citizens. Third country nationals have long been excluded from suffrage as France has maintained a stronghold on nationality and republican values. Academics have called for expansive and liberal citizenships that would allocate political rights to all non-citizen residents, independent of nationality. This paper argues that Brexit and cessation of Britons’ electoral rights present a pivotal moment to discuss expansive citizenship and alien suffrage. Taking a bottom-up approach, the paper presents actual experiences of Britons as candidates and councillors in French municipalities. It demonstrates the importance of residency, representation, participation and inclusion, rather than nationality at the local level to underpin claims for expanding electoral rights. These findings foreground an empirical case for further promotion of theoretical ideas that propose expansive citizenship based on effective residency rather than nationality. Consideration is also given to third country nationals. 相似文献
154.
论中国化马克思主义经济学的建设性质 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
裴小革 《上海行政学院学报》2009,10(3):4-10
马克思主义经济学的科学性蕴涵在其内容的丰富性之中.马克思主义经济学有着多方面的理论观点,这些观点有着相对独立的价值.但这些观点并不仅仅是一棵棵孤立的"大树",而是由多种"树木"构成的"森林",其严密逻辑把这一个个观点缀连成不可分割的整体.正是在马克思主义经济学的基础上,中国化马克思主义经济学才除了革命性质以外,还具有了重要的建设性质,成为集革命与建设于一体的建设的经济学.指导中国改革开放的主流经济学,是主张发展社会主义的中国化马克思主义建设经济学,而不是主张葬送社会主义的西方非马克思主义激进经济学. 相似文献
155.
The most prominent theory accounting for variation of morality politics across Western Europe is the so-called Two Worlds framework. According to this approach, the presence or absence of a secular?religious cleavage in national party systems strongly affects the degree of conflict intensity and the framing of morality policy issues. This article shows that the explanatory power of the Two Worlds model could be enhanced significantly by introducing a second analytical dimension that captures the institutional venue (party politics vs. parliamentary politics), in which moral conflicts take place. This is useful because there are instances in which a religious cleavage is lacking, but moral conflicts are nonetheless highly intense and party-based (the traditionalist world), and there are cases in which the religious cleavage formally exists, but moral conflicts are nonetheless resolved in the parliamentary arena (the unsecular world). 相似文献
156.
Mevliyar Er 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(1):137-159
Abd-el-Krim al-Khattabi's guerilla tactics are said to have influenced several renowned revolutionaries, such as Ho Chi Minh and Mao Zedong. There is evidence that Che Guevara equally employed at least some of the tactics and methods, which were devised by the Rifis. After all, Alberto Bayo, the much respected guerilla trainer of Che, had fought during his military career for a relatively long period of time against the Rifis. Castro, yet another role model for Che, mentions in his biography that he read about the battle of Annual, one of the most successful attacks against the Spanish initiated by Abd-el-Krim in 1921. There are also claims that Che had met Abd-el-Krim in 1959 in Cairo. Castro does not mention that he had discussed with Che anything about his readings on the Rif War, but he clearly states that Bayo used to teach in his camp guerilla methods that he had encountered during his assignments in Morocco. However, neither Bayo nor Che (or their biographers) mention that any of the tactics imparted during the training were from the time of Abd-el-Krim's struggle. The only person praised by both men is the Nicaraguan rebel leader Augusto César Sandino. This article compares the tactical teachings of Bayo as well as the operational methods used by Che during his battles in Cuba with the methods applied by the Rifis under Abd-el-Krim's leadership, and highlights a number of tactical similarities. It also finds that the guerilla tactics applied by Sandino have little in common with the methods described by Bayo. 相似文献
157.
Dimitris Serafis 《社会征候学》2018,28(2):184-200
This paper examines media discourse and emotions in discourse (pathos) during the week before the Greek Referendum of 2015. Drawing on the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, we study the interrelation between macro-level (dominant) values and views, and the micro-level of media positioning, as retrieved from newspaper headlines. The headlines come from three Greek and two French newspapers of differing political, economic, and ideological standpoints. Focusing on the micro-level, we sketch an integrationist framework of analysis: We conduct a systemic functional analysis to scrutinize the transitivity structures of headlines, and an analysis of pathos in order to track constructed emotions. Among our main findings is that the newspapers, despite their different positionings and interests, converge on a dense discursive and emotional construction that favours the dominant values of a free market and the doctrine of austerity. 相似文献
158.
税收是法国在印度支那推行的殖民经济政策的重要组成部分。本文梳理了法国海军殖民地部的部分税务档案,认为法属印度支那的税收体制具有如下基本特征:税收名目多,税额重;在直接税征收上一直推行“集体纳税人”制和包税方式;在间接税征收上长期奉行以鸦片和盐酒专卖税为主的政策。这一具有浓厚殖民主义色彩的税收体制是法属印度支那畸形单一经济结构形成的主要原因之一。 相似文献
159.
AbstractThis article situates the far-right backlash in Brazil within the larger Latin American context, including its colonial legacy, leftist governments’ failure to deliver promises of inclusion, and the US–China geopolitical dispute over the region’s strategic natural resources. By situating Bolsonaro’s electoral victory within these dynamics, our analysis presents an alternative to two common perspectives. First, studies of the region’s political moment and of Brazilian society in particular do not pay enough attention to institutional and everyday racism, and instead focus mostly on comparative analysis of governmental policies and social class dynamics. Second, critical perspectives that take into account racial inequalities are often not attuned to structural dynamics of gendered antiblackness, and instead present racism as a broad set of practices that negatively affect non-white people in related manners. Our context-specific analysis of the electoral reemergence of the far right in Brazil aims at contributing to an understanding of persistent dynamics of racial inequality within the region as part of a long, enduring and foundational odium of Black people. 相似文献
160.
本文对讨论媒介变革中的两种范式--"数字革命范式"和"媒体融合范式"加以比较,并从媒体融合范式的理论框架出发,试图重新阐释中国媒体融合进程的主要特征与政治逻辑。从这一框架理解政府主导下的媒体融合进程,能够清晰地辨析出,这种政治与技术、产业间的互动可以有效地纠正技术自身发展所产生的"偏向"。中国的实践也反过来丰富与拓展了媒体融合范式的涵义与可能性。 相似文献