Who represented the Israeli middle class? The crystallization of the General Zionists from 1948 to 1949

The establishment of the State of Israel was a watershed moment in the history of the General Zionists movement. The ending of the British Mandate – characterized by its responsiveness to private enterprise – symbolized the denouement of a regulatory strategy era as an exclusive modus operandi for the general organizations. The transfer of power to a participatory Jewish democracy, whereby independent institutions drew on electoral support, required that bourgeois and petit-bourgeois leaders relinquish their reservations about the political-partisan game. For the first time, they sought to gain ascendancy over a political party in the hope that it would stand up for the rights and interests of the middle class. This article will analyze the formation process of the center party and its attempt to become a significant factor in Israeli society.     

IMF、WB和WTO的比较研究

被誉为世界经济三大支柱的国际货币基金组织、世界银行和关贸总协定 ,自成立以来 ,已走完了半个世纪的风雨历程。它们都对二战后世界经济的复苏和振兴起到了举足轻重的作用。然而 ,关贸总协定及世界贸易组织发展更为迅猛 ,从三大支柱中脱颖而出。展望世界经济发展前景 ,惟有加强三大支柱自身的改革和彼此之间的协调与合作 ,世界经济才能鼎足而立。     

法律援助制度的几个问题

中国法律援助经历了从 1 994年初起发展到今天的过程。法律援助的概念有广、狭二义之分 ;其性质是法律之助 ,即援助公民个人或者人民法院不向受援人收费或者少收、缓收从而在法律方面提供帮助以维护其合法权益的行为。法律援助的特别包括 :具有国家、社会承担援助的公助性 ;受援人享受法律援助的无偿性和优惠性 ;律师、公证员等提供帮助的法律专业性。法律援助的理论基础有四 :权利保障之要求 ;实现控、辩双方力度平衡之条件 ;司法公正之所需和扶贫助弱法制化发展之必然     

人格权中内涵积极请求权的实践争议与发展——以生命自主权的实践争议为例

现代典型立法例一方面开始逐步承认个体因人格的全面实现而享有的对于诸人格要素的自主权;另一方面却又在人格的最为核心的领域持保守的态度,普遍反对个体对生命所享有的一般自主权,即积极安乐死,而荷兰则是其中的例外。从荷兰的法律实践以及相应的理论发展来看,应社会背景的实践需要,于特定情形下承认人格权中内涵积极请求权,既是正当的,也具有可行性。     

民刑法中的“一般人”观念及其判断基准

民刑法的制度设计均建立在一定的人性假设之上。尽管在此问题上既有共同点也有差异,但核心之点在于,都是以"一般人"为基准进行的。因此,"一般人"之界定在民刑法中居于隐而不彰的基础地位。"一般人"标准是民刑法中人性假设理论亟待打通的"最后一公里",其本质是一般人应有的"知识与态度",也是一种方法论。该标准具有鲜明的价值取向和公共政策属性,应当根据法律责任的不同性质,确定民刑法中"一般人"的判断标准,尤其应当区分刑罚适用者、犯罪嫌疑人及被侵害者的不同视角,对刑法中的"一般人"标准进行具体判断。     

努力推进当代中国马克思主义大众化

马克思主义在中国的发展必须实现大众化。当代中国马克思主义大众化就是由抽象到具体、由深奥到通俗、由被少数人理解和掌握到被广大群众理解和认同的过程。马克思主义大众化就是使马克思主义基本原理被人民群众接受和掌握的过程。     

对“开门评警”的解读与思考

为进一步深化警民和谐关系的构建,公安部于年初部署了＂开门评警＂活动。＂开门评警＂活动是在＂大走访＂基础上的深化,是把群众对公安工作的满意度、对民警工作的满意度的评判权真实地交给群众,将群众评价作为公安工作和民警考核的重要指标。＂开门评警＂活动特征突出表现在三个方面：民警走访由形式主动变为了实质主动;群众监督具体化;群众路线观念在基层民警中得到认同和加强。活动开展促使民警群众工作能力提高,进一步夯实了社区警务工作。     

Rising powers at the UN: an analysis of the voting behaviour of brics in the General Assembly

This article examines the long-term trends of foreign policy convergence of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (brics) to determine the similarity of their positions on world issues, as they seek to ‘insert’ themselves more fully into global decision making. The analysis is based upon their votes in the UN General Assembly. The article compiles two indexes of voting for the period 1974–2011. Both demonstrate a high and now growing degree of cohesion among brics. Their voting is broken down by pairs to show common themes and the major issue divergences, and how often individual states voted with others. Nuclear disarmament and human rights are the two areas that reveal persisting divergences between these states.     

THE MAKING OF NEW CHINESE BUREAUCRATS: THE CUSTOMS COLLEGE AND THE CHINESE CUSTOMS STAFF, 1908–1949

Abstract

This article examines how new Chinese bureaucrats were made at the Customs College to retrieve the Chinese Maritime Customs Service from the foreign staff in the Service. The policies of training new bureaucrats vacillated between three courses: generalist education, specialist training, and cadre cultivation. China’s assertion of control over the Service set the scene for four decades of political struggle between the Inspectorate of Customs, Chinese governments, and the Nationalist Party.

The article’s first section explores how China’s drive to self-modernization generated the needs for new bureaucrats, led to the College’s initiation, and shaped its educational program and policies. The second section examines how the Nationalist Party politicized the College’s education and discusses interrelations between the war decade from 1937–1949 and the decline of the College’s status. Finally, it concludes by discussing the continuity of the College in Mainland China and Taiwan after 1949.     

Coalition Politics in India: 2004–2009

Abstract

It is posited here that the coalition imperative of holding the alliances together just to keep in office leads to behavior that is not altogether ethically acceptable. This is not to say that all coalitions are bad by definition; they are not. The issue is: how many partners and what the minimum understanding among them are ideal to run the government? It is suggested that a large and unprincipled coalition on the one hand would debilitate a government, and on the other lead to political corruption and even blackmail. Contrarily, a smaller number of parties with some affinity in ideology and a common purpose would be beneficial for a stable democracy. To glean some insights, the United Progressive Alliance coalitions cobbled together by the Congress Party Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in 2004, and consequent to the 2009 elections, are studied here.