首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   218篇
  免费   7篇
各国政治   16篇
工人农民   14篇
世界政治   4篇
外交国际关系   18篇
法律   50篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   10篇
政治理论   19篇
综合类   93篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   5篇
  2017年   6篇
  2016年   6篇
  2015年   2篇
  2014年   5篇
  2013年   33篇
  2012年   18篇
  2011年   17篇
  2010年   21篇
  2009年   15篇
  2008年   17篇
  2007年   17篇
  2006年   15篇
  2005年   4篇
  2004年   7篇
  2003年   7篇
  2002年   4篇
  2001年   4篇
  2000年   4篇
  1998年   1篇
  1996年   1篇
  1995年   1篇
  1989年   1篇
  1981年   1篇
排序方式: 共有225条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
人在历史中生成、活动、发展。集群主体、个人主体和类主体是人作为主体历史生成的三种形态,与之相应的教育也有工具性教育、个人主体教育和类主体教育三种形态。每种形态的教育在历史上都有其存在的合理性与积极作用,但随着历史的发展,又都会被后一种形态所否定。  相似文献   
102.
自从傈僳族迁徙到泰国后,特别是20世纪六七十年代以来,很多学者对其进行了深入研究,相继出版和发表了大量相关的书籍和文章。本文从社会经济、宗教、教育等方面对这些研究成果进行简要梳理,并在此基础上对国外与泰国学者对泰国傈僳族的研究现状和我国学者对国内傈僳族的研究现状作一些比较。  相似文献   
103.
从理论思维的基础来看,中国的文化研究存在一个比较突出的局限就是理论模式的限制。经典意义上的理论模式,都具有一种追求规律性或普适性的冲动。这种冲动在造就理论自身的自洽性和完美性的同时,却可能忽略了文化现实的复杂性、特殊性和多元性,并由此形成理论上的满足感对现实的遮蔽。当代文化与传统社会之间从社会关系角度而言最大的差异就是文化群落的分化。忽视了这种现实存在的群落差异和多元认同,就遮蔽了当代文化现实最重要的社会特征。  相似文献   
104.
郭明 《青年研究》2012,(2):33-41,94,95
文章以杜镇"大学生村官"为研究对象,探讨其在农村社会中扮演的角色及其所面临的困境。对此,本文根据个案调查材料提出三个悖论,且通过对三个悖论的解释和分析认为大学生村官在国家政策与农村社会之间扮演着"弱化的国家政策嵌入者"、村务工作中"秘书人员"以及"无根的农村治理群体"等角色。  相似文献   
105.

This paper documents the application of restorative justice principles using a model which was developed by the Longmont Community Justice Partnership (LCJP) and is being used in other communities in Colorado. It explains the structure and operation of this model as well as addresses some of the challenging issues program participants faced during the startup, development, and maintenance phases of the program. Among other issues we consider community support, team development, evaluation, restorative language, funding, and the limitations of the model. Finally we discuss the way in which this program has potential for other communities which seek to implement restorative justice practices.  相似文献   
106.
Korea's developmental state had long maintained the principle of “separation between industrial capital and financial capital,” whereby the nation's industrial conglomerates – the chaebol – were restricted from having controlling ownership of financial institutions, especially banks. The financial crisis of 1997-98 renewed calls for regulating the chaebol, especially in terms of reinforcing corporate governance and competition policy. This process was supported and promoted by vibrant non-governmental organisations led by progressive activists who forged an effective alliance with the government and the ruling party whose platform followed a populist course. The reform movement has been resisted with equal fervour by conservative elements, led by the opposition party, chaebol-supported think tanks, and the conservative media. This cleavage is evident in the case of a pending legislation on chaebol ownership of financial institutions, the Financial Industry Structure Law. The controversy over this proposed law demonstrates that the contemporary chaebol reforms are deeply politicised. It also illustrates the path-dependent nature of the government-chaebol relationship.  相似文献   
107.
In this article I present a decade-long affair over the erection of the Monument in Belgrade to those killed in the wars of the 1990s where the official Serbian policy was to manage its contested past through cover ups and cultural reframing rather than public acknowledgement. I demonstrate here that, though the open competitions to erect a monument dedicated to the fallen11. This was the most contested issue and was changed in every open competition formulation.View all notes of the wars of the 1990s were an opportunity to negotiate different mnemonic agendas, the ruling political elite, as the dominant actor, promoted Serbian victimhood as it meant to bridge gaps in the opposing domestic and international demands. I suggest here that the mnemonic battle in present-day Serbia proves to be an exemplary case of how a post-conflict nation state mediates its contested past when caught in the gap between the domestic demands and those of international relations.  相似文献   
108.
109.
110.

Environmental offences often have rather obscure victims. At the same time, we know that those crimes commonly regarded as the most serious have clearly visible victims. It is difficult for people to relate to environmental offences in the same way as many traditional crimes, and this makes it easier to commit breaches of the environmental regulations. One element in a control strategy ought therefore to be continuous attempts to discover really serious environmental crimes that are easily communicated to the public. Regulations are followed if we believe that others also do so. If we have a sense that cheating is widespread then group solidarity is weakened, and with it the inclination to abide by the rules. How then do individuals and businessmen develop the perception that control measures are working? This happens primarily by means of a perception that observance of the regulations is being monitored. Broadly based control measures and contacts are therefore of considerable importance. By means of risk assessment procedures, interventions can then be concentrated where they are judged to be most necessary. A broad arsenal of measures is needed to persuade companies to observe the regulations; an arsenal from big stick to little stick, from self-regulation and service to administrative sanction charges and criminal offences.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号