人血痕ORM、Pi、AHSG和GC同步等电聚焦分型

作者在国内外首次建立了血清类粘蛋白、α1－抗胰蛋白酶、α2－HS－糖蛋白和型特异性成份等四种遗传标记同步等电聚焦免疫酶放大分型方法。累计个人识别机率为0．9878，非父排除率为0．6648，是国内外已报道同步电泳分型方法中鉴别能力最高的。本法可对稀释度为1／100的血清进行分型。对于室温保存四周的血痕盯全部正确分型。除Pi外，ORM、AHSG和GC三种遗传标记至少在24周之内皆可正确分型。     

试析群体性治安事件处置工作

积极预防、妥善处置群体性事件 ,是各级公安机关面临的一个重大而紧迫的任务。措施 :1 明确工作职责 ;2 强化情报信息工作的收集、反馈与处理 ;3 明确群体性事件处置的管辖权问题 ;4 严格执行“三个慎用”的原则 ;5 对公安机关目前管理体系进行适当调整。     

抗GC血清的制备及鉴定

作者用分离纯化的GC蛋白免疫新西兰兔制备了抗GC血清。鉴定结果表明,抗GC血清与进口商品抗GC血清特异性相同;与人血清其他蛋白没有交叉反应。琼脂双向扩散法测得抗血清效价为128;可检出GC蛋白的最低浓度为3.1μg/ml。免疫电泳法可测出入血清三种GC表型。     

Engagement,Disengagement, or Exit: A Theory of Equilibrium Associations

This article considers the possibility of mutually beneficial communication among groups when any group may choose to unilaterally join or exit an alliance. My main concern is the trade‐off groups face between the informational benefits of associating with others in a large society versus the costs imposed by power sharing and preference diversity. When these costs are sufficiently high, groups may prefer exit to association. The results of this article characterize the associations of groups that can be sustained in equilibrium, and within those associations, the types of groups that choose to meaningfully communicate with others. The results demonstrate that there can be benefits or costs associated with the inclusion of preference extremists in a diverse society, whether or not those extremists choose to actively communicate with outgroups. The results also speak to institutional mechanisms for fostering communication across diverse groups.     

Gender Equality (And its Absence) in Singapore’s 2015 General Elections

Abstract

With the dust settled after Singapore’s 2015 parliamentary elections, the only aspect pundits and Singaporean politics watchers could agree on was that the People’s Action Party’s comeback from its performance at the 2011 elections, although not of Lazarus proportions, was most certainly unexpected. While the result of the 2015 elections has gone through several post-election analytical mills, what has been oddly absent in such analyses is a discussion of gender in Singaporean politics. This article considers the relationship between gender and Singaporean politics through the experience of the 2015 election and its results. It shows that while Singapore has moved some way towards assuaging the demands of liberal feminists for greater representation in the political sphere, much more has to be done in order for gender equality to be achieved. The article argues for the Group Representation Constituency method of electing parliamentarians to be adapted to ensure a greater number of female parliamentarians while a quota system may be required for cabinet to be truly representative of the female demographic of Singapore.     

Singapore Beyond Ethnicity: Rethinking the Group Representative Constituency Scheme

Abstract

The resounding victory of the People’s Action Party (PAP) in the 2015 Singapore general elections surprised many observers. Several observers had considered the previous election, held in 2011, to be the new normal in Singapore politics, with the Workers’ Party being the first opposition party to win a Group Representative Constituency (GRC). Instead of its popular vote sliding from 60% in 2011, the PAP secured almost a 10% increase in its fortunes. Analysts have spoken about PAP’s hard work and the opposition’s failures when commenting on the ruling party’s success; this article, however, points out how Singapore’s electoral system, especially the GRC, continues to favour the ruling party and why it should be rethought. Introduced in 1988, the scheme ensures minority candidates (non-Chinese) are voted into parliament. Candidates contesting in a GRC form a team of Members of Parliament (MPs) with at least one minority candidate in each team. This article argues that the 2015 election results proves that Singaporeans no longer vote along ethnic lines, and non-Chinese MPs have comfortably led the GRCs and won in Single Member Constituencies. To be sure, the GRC scheme does new PAP candidates a disfavour: it weakens their legitimacy with voters, since they remain under the shadows of senior PAP candidates and cannot win elections on their own accord.     

弱势群体民事诉讼保护问题研究——以诉讼公正与诉讼效率为视角

诉讼公正与诉讼效率是一对矛盾。如何正确处理二者之间的关系,在理论界一直是存在争议的。而在弱势群体的诉讼保护方面,衡量诉讼公正与诉讼效率,实现二者价值的最大化,以及社会的和谐健康稳定发展,已经成为一个必须予以高度关注的问题。     

论企业集团与集团法及反垄断法的关系——德国法对我国的启示

作者认为 ,为了实现我国企业集团的健康发展 ,一方面要循序渐进地对企业集团进行系统立法 ,而不是单一立法 ;另一方面当务之急是要借鉴德国的模式 ,在公司法中增加企业集团组织法内容。     

非政府组织发展与我国社会稳定的关系

改革开放以来,我国非政府组织如雨后春笋般蓬勃发展。其在促进基层民主政治建设、社会治理、经济建设等方面发挥了积极作用,取得了显著成绩,日益引起社会各界的关注。特别是在应对灾变、群体性事件等突发事件中所充当的“第三方”的重要角色,使得非政府组织在维护社会稳定过程中的重要性日益凸现。但其消极影响也逐步显现出来,在某种程度上成为我国政府社会治理工作所面临的一项新的挑战。     

Evidentiary Standards for Forensic Anthropology*

Abstract: As issues of professional standards and error rates continue to be addressed in the courts, forensic anthropologists should be proactive by developing and adhering to professional standards of best practice. There has been recent increased awareness and interest in critically assessing some of the techniques used by forensic anthropologists, but issues such as validation, error rates, and professional standards have seldom been addressed. Here we explore the legal impetus for this trend and identify areas where we can improve regarding these issues. We also discuss the recent formation of a Scientific Working Group for Forensic Anthropology (SWGANTH), which was created with the purposes of encouraging discourse among anthropologists and developing and disseminating consensus guidelines for the practice of forensic anthropology. We believe it is possible and advisable for anthropologists to seek and espouse research and methodological techniques that meet higher standards to ensure quality and consistency in our field.