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191.
Kath Kenny 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》2018,33(98):548-562
ABSTRACTThis article discusses Martha Ansara and Elaine Welteroth, two US born feminists who came to Australia during two key moments in feminist history, as a way of thinking about the relationship between feminists and fashion. Ansara arrived in Sydney in 1969 carrying women’s liberation literature in her suitcase; she became an important generative figure in the Australia’s women’s liberation movement, particularly as an independent filmmaker and proponent of consciousness raising. Welteroth arrived in 2017 to speak at the Sydney Writers’ Festival during a period of international resurgence of feminist activism. She brought with her images of women of colour she had featured in Teen Vogue and she invoked second wave consciousness raising, albeit in a remodelled, corporate-led form when she talked about the title’s plans to bring young girls around kitchen tables to ‘solve’ political problems. The article uses comments both women have made in relation to fashion and beauty, close readings of their works, and a discussion of their respective feminist milieus to suggest a trajectory of feminism’s relationship to the fashion industry that appears to have changed from a position of opposition to one of open embrace. It also complicates this reading by pointing to the resonances between these women of different feminist eras. 相似文献
192.
美国向来被视作国际核不扩散机制的主导者。然而,尽管积极倡导实行核出口控制,美国却未能始终对该领域的国际规则制定施加影响。在核供应国集团中,相较于利益诱惑与威胁这一动用物质实力的谈判方式,美国更倾向于为规则主张的正当性提供辩护,以此推进核供应国集团准则的修改。不过,基于核不扩散规范的此种辩护,也未能保证美国达成其目标。多边谈判中两种参与谈判的行为方式分别为“议价”与“论辩”,在现有研究中对其给予了理论上的区分。在大多数情况下,美国在两种谈判方式之中选择“论辩”。对美国这一选择倾向的分析,从成本导向的理性选择着眼。此外,为解释在正当性论辩这一谈判方式之下影响谈判结果的要素,提出了基于利益分配关系的心理机制。案例分析聚焦卡特、老布什、小布什三届政府在核供应国集团中发起的四次准则修改行动,四次行动在谈判方式的选择和谈判结果上呈现鲜明对比。文章旨在深入认知大国在多边规则制定中的权力及其界限。国家行为体对于正当性论辩的关注及其在论辩中面临的困境,在规则与规范之争趋于激烈化的国际安全领域,都是日益普遍的现象。 相似文献
193.
简论职务犯罪的演变趋势 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
职务犯罪已成为影响社会稳定的重要因素之一,因而必须从战略的高度设计预防策略,对其进行综合治理。为此,摆在我们面前的首要任务是了解职务犯罪的发展趋势。总体而言,职务犯罪在一段时期内将呈波浪式上升趋势。但随着公共权力的限制和转移,其上升势头将会逐渐得到遏制。同时,职务犯罪将呈现涉案领域继续泛化,方式更加复杂、多样化等特点。 相似文献
194.
刘孝敏 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2007,16(6):60-64
种族灭绝罪被视为违反绝对法的犯罪,但是它至今仍是单一法律文件规定的犯罪。构成种族灭绝罪要求行为人蓄意全部或局部消灭某一民族、人种、种族或宗教团体。其具体行为方式包括杀害;造成严重的身体或心理伤害;故意使该团体处于某种生活条件下,以毁灭其全部或部分的生命;强制施行办法,意图防止该团体内的生育;强制转移该团体内的儿童至另一团体。 相似文献
195.
《Child & Youth Services》2013,34(1-2):177-186
Psychological impairments render many biological parents of children placed in treatment foster care incompetent to meet child-rearing tasks. Service agreements identify and address critical areas of dysfunctioning but do not engage parents in a broader inventory of their parental functioning and dysfuntioning. A group method provides mutual support, exploration, and a positive child-rearing model. A clinical assessment of parenting that highlights ongoing developmental needs of nurturance and empathy, limit setting, structure, role modeling, reality testing, and separation and individuation is used to promote progress. Parents gain insight into their own overall impairments, origin of impairments, and compensatory techniques. Parents recognize broader responsibility for parenthood enhancing reunification efforts. 相似文献
196.
197.
《Child & Youth Services》2013,34(1-2):285-294
Abstract Attention is drawn to important themes thought likely to influence the continuing development of group care services for children and young people in the decade ahead. These include a poorly educated workforce, autonomous training, multi-disciplinary approaches, centres of excellence, diversified programs, new trends and issues shaping the future, and group care practice and the law. 相似文献
198.
199.
群体性冲击铁路拦车断道事件,不仅扰乱铁路运输,而且破坏社会秩序、影响国家政治形象.拦车断道事件发展演变到90年代,已呈现出不同的特征.根据这些新情况,应采取更加积极的预防和处置措施. 相似文献
200.
Roland Kostić 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(1):120-139
ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of informal networks in producing strategic knowledge and influencing policy responses to the 2011 post-election crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The analytical focus is on networks of shadow peacebuilders, defined as actors who are often not visible to the public and who promote a mix of altruistic and personal interests of their broader network by generating strategic narratives and influencing peacebuilding policy. As this article shows, shadow peacebuilders engage in diplomatic counterinsurgencies waged by means of diplomacy, politics, public relations and legal means. Strategic narratives are instrumental in legitimizing diplomatic counterinsurgency, inducing internal cohesion within the network and delegitimizing alternative narratives and policy solutions. Yet the production of strategic knowledge by shadow peacebuilders has its limitations. When the gap between strategic narrative and actions becomes too big, the network risks fragmentation and defeat by other networks that promote alternative strategic narratives and paths of action in the battle over control of peacebuilding policy. 相似文献