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151.
促进港澳青年"北上"内地发展,融入国家发展大局,最终实现"人心回归",是"粤港澳大湾区"政策体系中的重要内容和目标。回归以来,中央已累计推出100多项鼓励香港青年到内地发展的政策,其效果和机制亟需进行评估。论文基于香港社会动态追踪调查HKPSSD数据,以国家认同作为政策效标,评估现有内地发展政策对香港青年国家认同的效应,并从心理层面考察其作用机制。研究发现,频繁返回内地对青年国家认同确有提升作用,心理融合在此过程中起到完全中介作用。该机制在通过倾向值匹配进行稳健性检验后依然稳健,并且心理融合的中介效应量有所上升。研究表明,香港青年内地发展政策已取得了一定程度的积极效应,心理融合在机制中起到关键的效能转化作用。在粤港澳大湾区"融合发展"的战略目标和制度框架底下,做好心理融合工作,将是香港青年内地发展经历转化为国家归属感的重要抓手。 相似文献
152.
Kimburley W. Y. Choi 《Journal of Gender Studies》2019,28(2):231-243
Although the social status of women in Hong Kong has changed significantly in recent decades, Hong Kong women continue to perform mothering, caregiving and homemaking tasks into late adulthood. Employing an agential realist approach to analyse the homes and discursive–materialist practices of three older women, this paper explores how the entanglement of materialities, discourses and subjectivities at home as a site of cultural action contributes to the ongoing enactment of divergent subjectivities of older Hong Kong women. The structural–spatial configurations of the three homes manifest the patrilineal and male-dominated family system in Hong Kong, and such older women perform a set of ‘normal’ (house) wifely and motherly duties linked to the maintenance of the male-dominated family system. Nevertheless, these older women’s subjectivities and their domestic worlds evolve through ongoing discursive–materialist practices. This paper further argues that, even if such factors as materialities, structures and practices either are neutral or indeed reinforce existing power imbalances, the dynamic and ongoing intra-action of these factors results in exclusionary but open conditions that may stabilize or subvert social phenomena, such as the ones discussed in this study: patriarchal domestic practices in Hong Kong homes. 相似文献
153.
By analysing the 2013 Hong Kong dockworkers’ strike, this article explores how workers, precariously situated in the world’s freest economy, fight for decent wages with the support of civil society. It is argued that the trade union movement in Hong Kong, a Special Administration Region of the People’s Republic of China, is a typical example of social movement unionism. It suggests that the rise of social movement unionism in Hong Kong was a practical strategy of social activists to support labour rights under the specific context of vulnerable structural power, weak institutional power, failed political unionism and a vibrant civil society. Social movement unionism has a “double-edged sword” effect on workers’ power: on the one hand, it has the potential to create societal power and strengthen associational power; on the other hand, it may compromise workers’ militancy and the possibility of stronger workplace bargaining power during workers’ struggle. 相似文献
154.
155.
关于祖国大陆与香港建立刑事司法互助关系的研讨(续) 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
香港回归加速了其与祖国大陆的联系。双方建立适当的刑事司法互助不仅能更有力地打击各种犯罪, 维护香港和内地的繁荣稳定,而且更可为澳门乃至台湾与内地刑事司法互助提供可资借鉴的良好模式。 相似文献
156.
Inclusiveness in economic development has lately emerged as a critical factor for development. This paper adopts an analytical concept of inclusive growth to evaluate East Asia’s economic success. It contests the Western conceptualization of the critical role of public participation in development, and argues that it has played a limited role in terms of inclusive growth in East Asia. Several factors have influenced the outcome of research in this area including the choice of methodology adopted, the challenge of defining and measuring inclusive growth, and the unclear mode and impact of public participation in the process. 相似文献
157.
在自由主义和民主主义结盟反对封建主义的历史进程中,形成了一套关于国家建构的系统学说。香港并非国家,但这套学说却在香港社会关于特别行政区立法会功能角色的讨论中拥有不小的影响力。片面强调"两制"差异,以自由主义代议制学说描摹一个地方行政单位的立法机构,终将沿着这套学说的国家建构逻辑挑战"一国"之本。本世纪初以来,香港特别行政区立法会出现内部对立、扩权,职能上轻立法、重监督的趋势和现象,与这种学说在香港社会的影响不无关系。就解决历史遗留的香港问题而言,"一国两制"是各方都能接受的"最大公约数",讲求平衡政府原则、混合政体设计的共和精神较契合香港特别行政区的这一政治现实,或可成为引导特别行政区立法会变革的方向之一。 相似文献
158.
159.
Damian Tobin 《当代亚洲杂志》2016,46(2):267-285
One of the puzzling features of China’s post-1978 economic reforms is how quickly its enterprises adapted to the new business environment. An insight into this puzzle is provided by Chinese state-owned banks in Hong Kong. From 1949–78 these banks, led by the Bank of China, represented China’s primary financial interface with the outside world. What distinguished the management of these banks from their peers was their loyalty to communist values. Yet, despite Mao Zedong’s anti-imperialist anti-capitalist ideology, the Bank of China demonstrated extraordinary business pragmatism in its engagement with the international financial system. It also exemplified a high level of management continuity which enabled it to see beyond a volatile and often hostile political environment. The article shows that the post-1978 retreat from ideology and its replacement with commercial incentives proved costly in terms of professional standards. A homogenisation of bank management also made it more difficult to recruit senior management whose loyalty to the Communist Party could be assumed. These findings highlight the importance of rule variation in explaining international differences in management behaviour. More generally the article shows the long-term importance of Hong Kong’s role as an internationalising force for China’s business and financial sectors. 相似文献
160.
值此中國委讬公證人(香港)制度建立三十周年之際,我謹代表國家工商行政管理總局外商投資企業註冊局表示熱烈的祝贺。三十年來,中國委讬公證人(香港)制度適應香港同胞到内地投资經商活勤和香港舆内地聯系日益紧密的需要,從無到有,不断發展完善,爲便利兩地法律界、公證界之間的交流合作發挥了重要作用,有力地促進了内地舆香港的民事交往舆... 相似文献