STATE-SOCIETY CONFLICT RADICALIZATION IN HONG KONG: THE RISE OF ‘ANTI-CHINA’ SENTIMENT AND RADICAL LOCALISM

Hong Kong has been facing an increasingly strong “anti-China” sentiment in recent years. More people are worried that existing Mainland-Hong Kong integration actually provides more opportunity for Beijing to exercise political control over Hong Kong, resulting in the loss of local identity. Political parties of the pan-democratic camp, which has been at the forefront of political activism since the 1980s, used to adopt a “milder” approach to oppose intervention from Beijing. However, with more Hong Kong people, especially localists, becoming sceptical towards this tactic, they have resorted to escalating things into “radical” protests or even bloody clashes with the authorities. During Chinese Lunar New Year 2016, a few hundred protesters joined the “Mong Kok Riot” and violently pelted police officers with bricks and glass, leading to more than 120 people being injured. The clashes may on the surface have been about hawker management issues, but, in fact, were fuelled by a growing discontent against the Chinese and Hong Kong Special Administrative Region governments. With more protesters prepared to take more radical actions against the authorities, state-society relations in Hong Kong are likely to enter an unprecedented period of tension.     

司法审级中的信息、组织与治理——从中国传统司法的“上控”与“审转”切入

尽管从表面上看,中国传统司法审级中的上控与审转违反了上诉审的经济学原理,但本文的分析表明,这两种制度的出现实际上来源于古典司法复审的政治治理功能,并且在事实上构成了一种有效率的信息机制与组织替代,回应了古代社会低成本地获取地方治理信息的难题。但这些理论上合理的制度在实际的运行中也产生了许多问题,并且一直存在于当下中国的审级制度之中,其根本的解决进路只能是在国家能力建设基础上超越科层化的制度分工与审级分工。     

论"一国两制"下香港特别行政区行政长官的特殊法律地位

香港基本法明确规定 :香港特别行政区行政长官既是香港特别行政区的首长 ,也是香港特别行政区政府的首长。这说明行政长官在法律地位上具有双重身份。运用比较研究的方法 ,深入研究行政长官这一特殊法律地位的特性表现 ,并从行政长官所拥有的职权 ,进一步考察行政长官的职权与其特殊法律地位的关系 ,将有助于全面了解香港特别行政区行政长官的角色特征     

内地与港、澳民商事判决认可和执行安排比较研究——以香港的实践为中心

内地在2006年相继与香港、澳门就民商事判决的认可和执行达成了安排,这是我国在区际司法协助领域取得的重大突破,具有一定的制度生成意义.由于三地间在法律传统和现行立法等方面的不同,两个安排在适用范围和具体程序的设计等方面也存在不少差异.对这些差异的研究和背景分析无疑对两个安排在司法实践中的平稳运作具有相当的助益.     

内地与香港共同犯罪理论之比较

通过对内地与香港共同犯罪理论的比较,从而进一步理解一国两制框架下不同法系刑事法理论的区别,以期建立对共犯理论的共同话语平台。     

21世纪以来梅州籍华侨华人、港澳同胞与侨乡的公益事业

进入21世纪,梅州籍华侨华人、港澳同胞捐助侨乡公益的力度和广度都大大提升,“造血型”捐助项目增多。但是也存在捐赠渠道、领域有待拓宽、捐赠项目有待提质、新生代侨捐未能有效培育等问题。在新时代下,为了更好地推动侨乡公益事业的可持续发展,可以在拓宽侨捐渠道、打造特色项目领域、维系乡情以涵养侨捐资源上有所作为。     

香港警队建设的启示与思考

香港警队的职业建设在很多方面都值得我们学习借鉴,如潜移默化的价值观教育宣传、精益求精的敬业精神和高效负责的工作态度、警察安全第一的理念和切实关爱的保障措施、系统严密的内部管理机制、执行制度与监督制度执行互为一体的工作模式、警民一体的联防之策等。对此进行思考探讨,将对我们的警队建设工作大有裨益。     

香港特区政府的信息公开管理

本文主要介绍了香港特区政府的《公开资料守则》与信息公开的政策、机构、管理措施和内容等,包括一般的信息披露以及政府新闻处的公共信息服务和政府的财政透明;并分析了特区政府信息电子化和网络化的成功之道。本文认为,政府信息公开是一个一举多得的政策措施,而香港特区政府信息公开的范围之广、信息公开的渠道之多都令人叹为观止,这不仅有利于政府内部的统一和协调,而且有利于政府工作的顺利开展,并且在本地和国际上树立了一个透明、廉洁、高效、负责的服务型政府形象。简而言之,透明政府的建设源于政府与社会在信息公开方面达成共识,从而使政府能够自觉自愿接受社会监督。     

How Citizens React to Political Scandals Surrounding Government Leaders: A Survey Study in Hong Kong

Public opinion research has suggested that the negative impact of scandals on public evaluation of the politicians involved is not always strong. Part of the reason is that people may hold varying perceptions regarding the nature, factuality, and importance of the scandals. According to the theory of motivated reasoning, people develop varying perceptions by processing information in ways that reconfirm their existing views. This study applies such insights to analyze how citizens react to political scandals surrounding government leaders in Hong Kong, where such scandals have arguably become increasingly prominent in recent years. This study constructs a theoretical model linking prior political attitudes, scandal-related perceptions, response evaluation, and evaluation of politicians. Analysis of survey data confirms most of the hypotheses in two cases. External efficacy and support for democracy substantially influence perceived factuality and acceptability of the scandals. Such perceptions shape people's evaluations of the responses by the government and the officials involved, which in turn affect evaluation of the officials.     

Political context,policy networks and policy change: the complexity of transition in Hong Kong

Abstract

Central to the debates on the transition of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty is how this process has affected change in the policy process and policy outputs. Many see policy change as a result of the evolving political environment in Hong Kong following the political transition. This article, however, adopts the notion of policy networks and argues that the analysis of policy change cannot be reduced to a simple contextual stimulus – the policy alteration model. A case study – ‘the development of civic education’ – demonstrates the importance of policy networks, as a particular structure of government and group relations in decision making, in explaining the course of policy change. It is apparent that the relationship between regime change and political liberalization, on the one hand, and established networks, on the other, tends to be complex and dialectical in Hong Kong. Despite the importance of sovereignty transition and political restructuring, the effect of contextual factors on public policy greatly depends on the nature of the network involved.