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排序方式: 共有802条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
231.
Janina Beiser‐McGrath 《Swiss Political Science Review》2019,25(3):203-225
Research on government repression often focuses on the comparison between states over time and provides little insight about the targets of repression within a state. This article unpacks government repression against different ethnic groups. It argues that non‐democratic governments use pre‐emptive and targeted repression against ethnic groups that are discriminated, strong, or have a history of protest or rebellion in order to prevent future ethnic rebellions. For democratic governments, on the other hand, the cost of pre‐emptive repression is too high. The article tests this argument in a quantitative analysis of government‐group dyads. It finds at least partial support for some implications of the argument: Autocratic governments use more repression than democracies against discriminated groups, but only when they are also weak, and against groups with a history of protest. There is little evidence that regimes of either type respond to previous violent mobilization or group strength with repression. 相似文献
232.
大学生对涉性问题的评价模式研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文运用扎根理论方法,对大学生评价涉性问题的过程进行研究,得到大学生对涉性问题的两种评价模式,即"与传统背离的评价模式"和"与传统一致的评价模式".这两种评价模式的并存,反映了大学生的性价值观念冲突.价值冲突的成因有三:社会价值体系的转型、自由主义性价值观念的传播、性价值观教育理论研究的缺失.在性价值观教育的理论研究方面,应当对性的内涵及其本质、性的权利与义务的关系、性自由的科学内涵、性价值观的本质特征四个问题进行研究,为性道德教育提供理论支持. 相似文献
233.
Martin Binder 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(3):327-348
How has the international community responded to humanitarian crises after the end of the Cold War? While optimistic ideational perspectives on global governance stress the importance of humanitarian norms and argue that humanitarian crises have been increasingly addressed, more skeptical realist accounts point to material interests and maintain that these responses have remained highly selective. In empirical terms, however, we know very little about the actual extent of selectivity since, so far, the international community’s reaction to humanitarian crises has not been systematically examined. This article addresses this gap by empirically examining the extent and the nature of the selectivity of humanitarian crises. To do so, the most severe humanitarian crises in the post-Cold War era are identified and examined for whether and how the international community responded. This study considers different modes of crisis response (ranging from inaction to military intervention) and different actors (including states, international institutions, and nonstate actors), yielding a more precise picture of the alleged “selectivity gap” and a number of theoretical implications for contemporary global security governance. 相似文献
234.
This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred
to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion
is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing
the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives
for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming
that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human
rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should
pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.
相似文献
A. Cooper DruryEmail: |
235.
Munmun Jha 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):205-218
This paper portrays the nature of child workers in India and seeks to understand its many complexities. It looks at the definition
of child labour, the extent of its prevalence, the reasons why children work, and the occupations they are engaged in. It
outlines India’s position on international obligations, its expanding domestic laws, and the tardy implementation of these
laws. It examines some of the inherent cultural constraints and the role of values and beliefs in perpetuating child labour.
It analyses the relationship between education and child workers, and a possible solution in the form of compulsory education.
The paper emphasises that child workers in India are from the marginalized sections and do not work out of choice. It stresses
that this phenomenon is, above all, a problem for the children. The paper concludes by advocating the need to discard attitudes
that are discriminatory or rationalise abuse, and the need to adopt a rights-based, child-centred approach to counter the
increasing number of child workers.
相似文献
Munmun JhaEmail: |
236.
Elena Pariotti 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):139-155
During this age of globalisation, the law is characterised by an ever diminishing hierarchical framework, with an increasing
role played by non-state actors. Such features are also pertinent for the international enforceability of human rights. With
respect to human rights, TNCs seem to be given broadening obligations, which approach the borderline between ethics and law.
The impact of soft law in this context is also relevant. This paper aims to assess whether, and to what extent, this trend
could be a proper path to enforce the legal accountability of transnational corporations for human rights. It will be argued
that the interplay between law and ethics should be assessed differently depending on which kind of correlative duty is at
stake. With regard to negative duties, soft law tools concerning TNCs’ conduct may weaken the impact of hard law. By contrast,
when positive duties are concerned, insofar as the horizontal effect of rights cannot be assumed, soft law turns out to be
much more useful.
相似文献
Elena PariottiEmail: |
237.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(1):39-47
This paper studies the determinants of educational outcomes in the Republic of Tatarstan, Russia. Using principle component analysis, least squares with robust standard errors, and probit models, I found that family resources, including socioeconomic status, cultural and social capital, show a statistically significant effect on educational achievements and plans about educational trajectories. However, little of the variation in the dependent variables can be explained by variation in family resources. In Tatarstan, as in developed countries, family resources have a low influence on educational outcomes. Moreover, school quality, gender, nationality, peers, health, plans about future work, and other physical and psychological factors play important roles in influencing educational outcomes. Girls obtain better results than boys, and Tatar speakers show higher educational achievements than Russian speakers. 相似文献
238.
Gemma Sou 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(3):510-526
This article critically analyses the representational practices of serious (video) games that focus on refugees. It argues that the technological form of serious games can simulate the historical, political and socio-economic factors that shape why refugees leave their home country and their experiences when travelling to host countries. They are able to mobilise intellectual agendas which challenge the de-contextualised representations of refugees typical in traditional media. As such, they challenge players to critically reflect on the complexities of refugee experiences and politics, thereby presenting a potential to move away from grand emotional discourses of pity and compassion. 相似文献
239.
林荣策 《广东青年干部学院学报》2014,(4):30-34
在文化多元化和价值观多样化的今天,如何旗帜鲜明地倡导当代大学生树立社会主义核心价值观尤显其重要性和迫切性。根据当前大学生对社会主义核心价值观的接受情况,要将社会主义核心价值观科学内涵内化为大学生稳定的思想、信念,外化为大学生的行为与习惯,发挥好大学生的自身主动性,提高思想教育的感染力和实效性,力争使社会主义核心价值观教育在大学生层面的接受度上收到实效。 相似文献
240.
FRANCESCA KLUG 《The Political quarterly》2009,80(3):420-426
This article examines the pronouncements and positions of the leading political parties on the Human Rights Act and the proposals for a new British Bill of Rights and Responsibilities. It analyses the main arguments made in support of a British Bill of Rights and Responsibilities, which are advanced around five main issues: security, the judges, parliamentary sovereignty, responsibilities and 'British rights'. The article was written before the government published the Green Paper Rights and Responsibilities: developing our constitutional framework in March 2009 and provides a political context with which to analyse it. 相似文献