Analysis of 124 SNP loci included in HID Ampliseq identity panel in a small population of Rio de Janeiro,Brazil

Implementation of massively parallel sequencing platforms can bring a great contribution to Forensic Genetics field, with a great saving of time and costs, as well as allowing reliable results to be obtained from small or extremely degraded samples. The aim of this work was to analyze 124 SNP loci (90 autosomal and 34 Y-SNP) included in HID-Ion Ampliseq Identity Panel in a small sample from Rio de Janeiro state, Brazil. Samples from 12 non-related individuals were amplified with HID-Ion Ampliseq Identity Panel and sequenced on the Ion Torrent PGM platform (Thermo Fisher Scientific); genotypes were generated with HID SNP Genotyper plugin and forensic parameters were calculated with PowerStats v.12. All samples were successfully genotyped and were used to calculate allele frequencies, homozygosity, heterozygosity, random match probability (RMP) and exclusion power for all 90 autosomal SNP loci. Using the formula proposed by Budowle et al. (1996), only 4 of the 90 loci genotyped (4,4%) showed allele frequencies below the minimum required. It means that although a small set of individuals was used on this study, it may have shown a good perspective of Rio de Janeiro state allele frequencies. Among the 11 male samples analyzed, a prevalence of the haplogroup R1b of Y chromosome was observed, followed by the haplogroups E, Q and J. Such distribution reflects the results demonstrated in other studies for the population of Rio de Janeiro. All results together demonstrate the usefulness and applicability of SNP analysis on Ion Torrent PGM.     

移民认同与民族关系初探——以亚太地区一些国家为例

本文以亚太地区的美国、澳大利亚和印尼等国为例,从文化差异与移民认同入手,探讨了移民认同与民族的关系。笔者认为,不同民族的文化因植根于不同的历史环境、经历不同的历史发展,其差异性是很明显的。正是这种文化差异,会使各移民产生不同的文化认同,从而引发种族集聚的局面,有时也会导致种族歧视或种族主义。此外,各种移民由于具有不同的文化认同,也可能会引发民族之间的摩擦或冲突。     

共同犯罪中的身份问题研究

从无特殊身份者教唆有特殊身份者实施纯正身份犯的定性和身份对于共同犯罪认定的意义和作用这两个不同视角,可以阐述无特殊身份者能够与有特殊身份者构成纯正身份犯的共同犯罪理由。     

俄罗斯国家身份定位与认知视角下的俄美关系困境

苏联解体近二十年来,俄罗斯与美国的关系经历了几次较大的波动,而每次波动都伴随着俄罗斯对自己国家身份定位的变化.叶利钦时期的俄罗斯没能融入西方,普京与美国在反恐行动中的合作也没能使其成为西方的一部分.俄罗斯东西方身份定位的不断摇摆和对大国身份一味地过度追求,对其国家利益建构和对外战略选择产生了重大影响,并在一定程度上阻碍了俄美关系良性互动的形成.同时,美国对俄罗斯身份定位的认同与否,也影响着俄美关系.     

Quality Reform in Malaysian Higher Education Governance: “Identity Formation” or “Knowledge Shopping”?

In line with its Vision 2020, Malaysia has been implementing a series of ‘quality’ reforms in its higher education sector (Sirat, 2010). For critics, these reforms are driven by an ideological shift from the idea that knowledge is a “public good” (Dzulkifli, 2011, p. 28). This study explores whether the use of ‘standards’ as governance forms would lead Malaysia towards “identity formation”, i.e. the creation of a culture-based knowledge society, or direct it towards “knowledge shopping”, i.e. the commodification of higher education. This article concludes that Malaysian higher education governance is more oriented towards “knowledge shopping” than “identity formation.”     

Islamism,secularism and post-Islamism: the Muslim world and the case of Bangladesh

This paper provides a historical overview of the emerging post-Islamist phenomenon in the Muslim world and discusses the scope for sustainable democratic politics in Bangladesh. In the process, a model is proposed that purports to exhibit a level of compatibility with the perceived political landscape in Bangladesh. The model adopts a version of the Hotelling–Downs principle of democracy and sets it within the ‘post-Islamist’ paradigm in such a way that, if it can be implemented, even if only partially, may lead to the sustained political stability of Bangladesh. The paper highlights illiberal and undemocratic practices of the two dominant Bangladeshi political parties as a major feature of the present status quo. These practices dominate Bangladeshi politics through the continuous attempts of their exponents to impose monopolistic views on the various symbols of national identity, despite the multi-racial, multi-religious nature of Bangladesh society. The paper concludes that a democratic system of politics, which accommodates aspects of secularism, language, Muslim identity and post-Islamist ‘Islamic ethical–moral–legal codes’, remains the feasible political discourse for forming and consolidating the country’s multi-racial, multi-religious national identity over the long run and its survival as a sovereign state.     

The Functions of Class at the Present Time: Including Taste,or Sex and Class as Culture

Gagnier provides an analytic account of current uses of gender, sex and sexuality, and of class as objective condition, role, identity, subjectivity, performance, product of cultural formation, pain and pleasure. She concludes that we shall do better today to take from the history of political economy a focus on the division of labour, the kinds of work people do, including women's unpaid labour at home, and the ways that work structures identity and subjectivity, than on more abstract class identity (e.g. wage-labourers and capitalists), and to see that both local and global divisions of labour or work patterns are along race and gender lines as much as along class lines. The introduction of consumption models of taste and status draws together both class and gender, for consumption and leisure, the realm for most wage-labourers of pleasure, is as significant in the formation of identity and subjectivity as work, production or pain. We should account for people's pleasures and desires as well as their pain and place in narrowly conceived 'productive' relations. Class is no less significant than it always was, but future work should disaggregate the concept along these lines, mindful of gender salience in the division of labour and the reproduction of class. And it should include critical analysis of the realms of taste, pleasure, consumption, leisure and status.     

中马关系及其前景：建构主义视角下的思考

西方国际关系理论中的建构主义强调国家之间在“认知—实践”上的差异,认为国家的身份认定影响着其利益和行为,而国家的身份则是由国际社会建构而成的。据此而看,由于在冷战前后中国与马来西亚两国在各自或相互身份的认同上的变迁就导致了两国关系的巨大变化。目前,中马关系已经发展到前所未有的好时期且前景广阔,但由于双方在身份及其认同上仍存在着差异,故在发展关系时还有一些变数需要特别注意。     

从执政效能和执政价值认同看当代大学生的政党认同——基于重庆大学与西南大学的经验材料

本文以重庆大学和西南大学为例,对当代大学生政党认同现状进行调研,研究发现:其一,当代大学生对中国共产党执政效能低度认同,对执政价值中度认同。其二,中国共产党对当代大学生仍然保持较强吸引力,但大学生对执政价值的认同潜藏着不稳定的危机。其三,执政效能认同、执政价值认同都对大学生入党愿望产生正向影响,但执政效能认同的影响力更强。     

土家族药师的文化身份与美学意义

立足于审美人类学的研究范式,选以酉水流域的土家族药师作为考察对象,并且重在对独具地域和民族特性的土家族药师,凭以诡异的符箓和咒语,在巫术仪式过程中隐现的文化身份进行界定,同时,也进一步揭示在药师的神秘体验中折射出的美学意义,即主要体现为药师的审美人格范型和彰显的阳刚之美,以及药师的审美指向三个层面的审美意蕴。