学习贯彻十六大精神,一定要抓住"三个代表" 重要思想这一核心问题

学习贯彻十六大精神,一定要抓住"三个代表"重要思想这一核心问题.抓住"三个代表"这个核心,就必须理解它的时代背景和形成的历史过程,就必须把握"七一"讲话的基本精神."三个代表"重要思想的提出与世纪之交我们党面临的国际国内形势任务、与20世纪末国际共产主义运动发生的重大历史挫折、与邓小平向第三代领导集体交接班时的重托以及与世纪之交我党以整风精神开展"三讲"教育的实践活动有密切关系."七一"讲话围绕着贯彻"三个代表"思想提出了十大理论新观点.通过对这些新的理论观点的学习讨论,进一步提高了认识,统一了思想,为十六大的胜利召开奠定了思想理论基础.     

Ideological mavericks or party herd? The effect of candidates’ ideological positions on intra-party success

Political candidates' ideological positions have been used to explain success in inter-party competition, but little is known about how they impact success in intra-party competition. Here, candidates' positions on the Left–Right and GAL–TAN dimensions are analysed in three Finnish parliamentary elections (2011, 2015, 2019). Candidates' ideological positions are measured in terms of their ideological distance from their own party's median candidate. Absolute ideological distances between candidates and their party's median candidate decrease candidates' preference votes. Furthermore, the effects are contingent on the general ideological position of the candidate's party. However, these interactions do not follow any clear pattern, as more rightist candidates in right-wing parties and more green-alternative-libertarian candidates in traditional-authoritarian-nationalist parties all experience a decrease in their preference votes. This effect is large enough to be a decisive factor in intra-party competition between the last candidate that was elected and the first one that was not.     

Symbolic ideology in the American electorate

Ideological self-identification in the United States is well measured for the period 1970 to the present. Many survey measures are available and they are posed with considerable frequency and regularity. It is thus a relatively straightforward methodological exercise to combine them into a single measure of the American public's latent disposition to identify as liberal or conservative. What is problematic about this state of affairs is that the availability of these good measures occurs after a number of important changes in the American political context, changes that, we argue, have affected how Americans conceive of ideological terms and how scholars think about self-identification in the modern electorate. This paper seeks to measure and explain ideological self-identification in the time before modern survey research. We undertake an historical analysis of scattered pieces of public opinion data before 1970, assembling the pieces to build a time series of self-identification from 1937 to 2006. We then begin attempts at explaining the now observable, and often dramatic, changes in this series.     

The Gender Gap in Ideology

Over the past few decades, a gender gap has emerged in the mass public in ideological self-placement. While most men and women moved in the conservative direction, another segment of women retained their liberal self-identifications. A gender gap also exists in how men and women define their ideology. Which issues are linked to ideological identities is conditioned by gender and time period. Finally, ideological identities are structure by nonpolitical values as well as political issues. Religiosity and religious beliefs have come to increasingly shape Americans’ ideological identities, with some differences across the two sexes.

Conflict, Fusion, or Coexistence? The Complexity of Contemporary American Conservatism

This paper draws on an original survey and on the 2004 NES to explore the complexity of contemporary American conservatism. In both datasets, we find evidence that economic and cultural conservatism stand as distinct strands of conservative attitudes. The original survey also allows us to further explore the role of beliefs about the market in economic conservatism. In the end, we find little support for either liberal hopes of fundamental ideological conflict among conservatives or conservative hopes of ideological fusion. Instead, our data suggests that a particular type of ideological coexistence among economic and cultural conservatives is the norm.

Policy attitudes, ideology and voting behavior in the 2008 Election

This article examines the impact of policy attitudes and ideology on voting behavior in the 2010 U.S. presidential election. The analysis uses data from the 2008 American National Election Study. The empirical results indicate that the 2008 election should not be regarded as a simple referendum on the George W. Bush presidency. At the same time, voting behavior was not particularly aligned along stark policy divisions; the direct effects of issue attitudes were confined largely to the most sophisticated stratum of the electorate. Finally, liberal-conservative orientations did affect citizens' political attitudes and candidate choices in ways that are fairly unique, compared to other recent elections.     

In search of a theoretical approach to the analysis of the ‘Colour revolutions’: Transition studies and discourse theory

The article aims to identify a theoretical framework which would be able to provide explanation for the cases of political mobilization during the ‘Colour revolutions’ in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. It reviews the existing literature on the topic, which is predominantly oriented by the ‘transition paradigm’. The major shortcomings of this literature are identified: the privileging of either structure or agency when accounting for social change, a strong emphasis on the role of elites and insufficient attention to collective agency. Accordingly, I argue that the methodology of poststructuralist discourse theory may importantly supplement the ‘transitological’ framework owing to its ability to conceptualize the dynamic interdependence between structure and agency, as well as the formation of collective political identities.     

论邓小平的廉政建设思想——在邓小平廉政建设思想教学中的体会

邓小平的廉政建设思想,集中反映在六个方面廉政建设与经济建设;廉政建设与惩治腐败;廉政建设与党风建设;廉政建设与群众路线;廉政建设与法制建设;廉政建设与监督机制.     

马克思是怎样了断与鲍威尔的思想关系的——对《德意志意识形态》三个片段的解读和分析

经过《论犹太人问题》和《神圣家族》的铺垫,马克思在《德意志意识形态》中彻底了断了与布鲁诺.鲍威尔思想关系。本文通过对这一著述中的三个片段的解读,甄别了马克思、恩格斯论述问题的逻辑和方式,把握了其进行思想论战的特征和思路,指明他与鲍威尔思想之间的纠葛源于两者观照、理解和把握世界方式的巨大差别:是从观念、精神和自我出发还是根源于现实、感性和实践?     

意识形态的传播与接受问题研究——兼论中国马克思主义的传播与接受

意识形态的传播是价值观的传播。它通过满足利益诉求、提供精神寄托、产生价值共鸣、形成情感认同等满足人的精神需要而得到传播。马克思主义意识形态的传播既遵循一般意识形态传播的规律,又有知识传播的特点。在改革开放的新时期,要揭橥马克思主义人的解放的主旨,满足现实社会各阶层群众在观念层面上对利益、价值、精神和情感的要求,从而实现马克思主义的广泛传播。