“The laughing third man in a fight”: Stalin's use of the wedge strategy

Although much IR theory focuses on balancing, this paper examines a version of the wedge strategy, what Stalin allegedly called being “the laughing third man in a fight.” This is the practice of advancing one's goals by setting up other states to fight each other. The first case study is Soviet strategy in Europe from September 1939 until June 1941. The second is Soviet strategy in the Far East in 1941–45. What I am looking at here is a policy of deliberately encouraging the start of a war and/or aiding its prolongation in order to weaken both sides. The two case studies indicate that the Soviet Union used such a strategy at times in place of the usual forms of balancing, discussed in the international relations literature. Additionally, analysis of Moscow's conduct, statements by Soviet leaders, and the policies of a number of foreign communist parties indicate that, in addition to any security goals, Stalin's agenda included furthering the USSR's goal as a revolutionary state, even thought this had at times to be constrained by realpolitik.     

Rising Tides of Ideological Simplifications: A Comparative and Longitudinal Analysis of Local Parties

This article explores the strength and causal determinants of ideological thinking within Swiss local political parties. The concept of “ideologization” refers to (1): “horizontal couplings”, as they are manifested in intercorrelations between different opinions, and to (2) “vertical couplings” of specific opinions to abstract concepts of “left” and “right”. Results show high ideologization on the left‐center section of the LR‐scale, especially in the vertical dimension. On both sides of the spectrum, ideological constraints are significantly higher in larger communities than in than in smaller ones. Only in rather small communities, does ideologization correlate positively with the educational level, the modern occupational background of party members and the number of other local parties with which they have to compete. In communities of given size, ideological thinking is more pronounced when parties possess a small share of political power. Finally, it is found that ideological constraints have increased somewhat between 1989 and 2002.     

Keeping the left at bay: Delegate selection system choice in US Democratic presidential nominations

In the modern era of US presidential nominations, every election cycle we witness around 20% change in delegate selection system types. This variance remains unexplained and for the most part unexplored. At the same time, prior formal and empirical models offer contradicting expectations of party leader behavior in their choice of system. This paper looks to bridge this divide. We argue state party leaders use delegate selection systems to select candidates favorable to their own ideological position. When the median partisan is ideologically left relative to the position of state Democratic leaders, the leaders of the Party will open up the delegate selection system to dilute the voices furthest on the left. We employ maximum likelihood estimation as a method to show that left positioning of citizens relative to state Democratic leaders increases the likelihood the state Democratic Party will use a primary system as opposed to a caucus.     

Good radicals? Trajectories of pro-Kurdish political and militant mobilisation to the wars in Syria,Turkey and Iraq

ABSTRACT

This article explores the interrelation of volunteering, violence and ideology by studying the pro-Kurdish political and militant mobilisation to the wars in Syria, Turkey and Iraq. Focusing especially on the trajectories, motives and reflections of foreign volunteers in different Kurdish militant groups, I argue that ideology is neither a precondition nor a necessary reason for mobilisation to an armed group. In many cases, it is the other way around, as mobilisation to violence is often the source of ideological conviction.     

Socialised to think in terms of left and right? The acceptability of the left and the right among European voters

The left-right dimension plays a crucial role in how political scientists think about politics. Yet we know surprisingly little about the extent to which citizens are able to position themselves on a left-right dimension. By analysing non-response on left-right self-identification question from seven waves of the European Social Survey (N = 295,713), this study demonstrates that citizens’ ability to position themselves on the left-right dimension depends on the political system they live in and its history. Citizens in countries with lower levels of elite polarization place themselves on a left-right dimension less often, this difference is partiularly pronounced for citizens with high levels of political interest. Citizens in countries with a recent authoritarian history were unable to place themselves on the left-right dimension more often. These findings show the importance of political socialization for left-right self-identification.     

批判与建构:列宁在意识形态领域的斗争策略

列宁坚持马克思恩格斯处理意识形态问题的基本原则和方法,将马克思主义同历史时代、俄国具体实际的发展相结合,对资产阶级意识形态的理论挑战和受伯恩施坦主义影响的俄国内部错误思潮进行了坚决地批驳和澄清。他批判了资产阶级哲学意识形态的荒谬性、政治意识形态的虚假性、宗教意识形态的欺骗性,同时对无产阶级内部机会主义和修正主义进行了清算,加强了党对意识形态的领导与实践,探讨了无产阶级政党加强自身意识形态建构的策略,建构了社会主义的意识形态,从理论和实践上将马克思恩格斯意识形态思想发展提升到了一个新的高度。列宁意识形态批判与建构思想启示我们:一是要想建设好、发挥好社会主义意识形态的凝聚力和引领力,必须高度重视意识形态工作,重视党的领导。二是要与错误思潮作坚决的斗争。三是要在把握时代、创新方法中不断丰富和发展社会主义意识形态。     

“新传统”的建构与当代中国意识形态的辩证

思想、道德、文化领域的多元、多样、多变,使中国意识形态面临“非传统”与“新传统”的悖论.一方面,改革开放使传统又一次遭遇空前涤荡;另一方面人们日益渴望以传统重建社会生活的基本同一性,30年改革开放也正在形成某种“新传统”.制度意识与意识形态主张之间的不平衡,伦理与道德之间的不平衡,市场经济观念与伦理道德、传统文化之间的...     

“以人为本”:社会主义发展模式对资本逻辑的超越

自上世纪四十年代以来,人们一直在反思增长主义的发展模式,反思人与自然、人与人、人与自身如何和谐发展的问题,但始终没有得到有效的解决,反而扩展为全球性的发展难题。原因在于"资本逻辑"作为一种非人性的力量统治着整个全球社会,把人和自然作为资本增殖的工具。无论是根据马克思主义学说,还是从20世纪社会主义的经验教训来分析,都说明"以人为本"才能超越资本逻辑。中国特色的社会主义实践需要将"以人为本"作为一种新的意识形态。     

从否定斯大林个人到全面否定社会主义——试析苏联解体的思想文化根源

赫鲁晓夫的《秘密报告》主观上歪曲、编造、丑化和否定了斯大林,客观上却损害了社会主义建设事业,给马列主义的敌人制造了进攻的口实。而赫鲁晓夫的继承人戈尔巴乔夫以建设一个"人道民主的社会主义"为借口,从思想实践上彻底背离了社会主义,最终导致苏联的轰然解体。马克思主义的基本原理任何时候都要坚持,否则,社会主义因为没有正确的理论基础和思想灵魂而迷失方向,就会归于失败。     

环境正义与生态帝国主义:基于美国利益集团政治和全球南北对立的分析

环境正义属于环保中的公平正义,与阶级、种族和收入差距直接相关。环境正义运动起源于美国,突出表现为反对环境种族主义的斗争,与民权运动相关联。本文系统考察了美国环境正义运动的历史及相关的国内外研究文献,并运用美国密执安大学社会研究所的《美国全国选举研究》(ANES)民意测验资料,分析了围绕环境正义问题的美国利益集团和政治意识形态冲突。同时,考察了其他一些国家的环境正义问题以及环境正义问题的国际延伸,即生态帝国主义和围绕环境正义的南北政治意识形态冲突。最后,探讨了环境正义和生态帝国主义议题对中国的启示。