中国加入WTO与国际平面市场和立体市场

市场存在分层的平面市场现象 ,分层平面市场叠加形成立体市场。中国加入WTO后 ,将面对激烈的国际平面市场与立体市场的竞争。这种竞争的市场存在着市场横移和产品波的规律性特征。世界经济产品波实质上是国际平面市场横移的全球化。中国加入WTO ,应提高主导国际平面市场的能力 ,抓住动态发展的平面市场 ,掌握立体市场 ,这是全球化过程中需要高度重视的环节。     

坚定信念深化改革扎实推进现代刑侦警务机制建设

建设现代刑侦警务机制是一项系统工程。当前刑侦改革的重点就是通过扎实推进现代刑侦警务机制,促进刑侦队伍专业化建设;探索和强化“从人到案”的侦查模式;培育信息导侦、科技强侦的破案打击新的增长点。     

美国刑法的结构概要(下)

美国刑法之所以采取制定法的形式,是为了提高“合法性原则”的效力;美国刑法的运作结构以三部分为中心:犯罪定义、归责原则、抗辩理由;刑法应具有三种功能:规则叙述、责任分配和等级划分。     

“政治入世“与政治文明建设

有人把加入国际人权公约称为"政治入世".改革的趋势就是经济体制改革拉动社会体制改革和政治体制改革,改革需要新的突破,我国即将加入<公民权利和政治权利国际公约>,这为我国的政治体制改革提供了绝佳的契机.在人权制度的建设方面,我国已取得很大成就,但是同样不可否认的事实是,与国际人权公约相对照,我国人权法律制度的诸多方面还有待改革.     

论邓小平国际战略思想的基本特征

邓小平国际战略思想的四个主要特征:一是把实事求是这一党的思想路线具体贯彻于对外战略,以实事求是为国际战略的基本指导原则;二是以国家最高利益为国际战略所追求的目标,国际战略为实现中华民族振兴的"三步走"发展战略服务;三是充分体现了大思维、大格局、大视野、大战略和大智慧;四是体现了原则性与灵活性的统一。     

构建我国非法言词证据排除规则的基本设想

非法言词证据排除规则的确立有利于保障刑事诉讼的公正,保护公民的合法权利,并且符合国际刑事司法发展的趋势。在借鉴其他国家制定排除非法言词证据规则经验的基础上,我国应当尽快完善法律体系,规范言词证据"非法性"的提出和举证责任的分配等,逐步构建我国的非法言词证据排除规则。     

Constructing Women Who Experience Male Violence: Criminal Legal Discourse and Individual Experiences

This article examines the relationship between how women who experience violence from a male partner construct themselves, and how criminal legal discourse constructs female victims of violence. It is argued that in both arenas, women are constructed according to norms which emanate from a discourse of conventional femininity which operates together with a practice of shame. Utilising empirical data gained from qualitative interviews with women who experienced male violence, the article contends that the construction of the female victim of violence in criminal legal discourses as imbued with stereotypical ‘feminine’ characteristics such as passivity and weakness, may influence these women’s own construction and understanding of themselves. The existence of a practice of shame further consolidates the self-regulation of the women themselves to these norms of femininity. This construction is posited to be problematic as the experiences of women of male violence rarely ‘fit’ within these explanations. The article contends that in order to better understand women’s experiences of male violence; both criminal legal and individual women’s discourses need to be read in terms of the power, knowledge and effects which they exert upon individual women. It is argued that this alternative reading of these discourses has the potential for transformation as they are invested in the subject.

Money laundering laws as a political instrument: the social cost of arbitrary money laundering enforcement

The paper explains the reasons for modern money laundring legislation, namely to reduce the incidence of certain primary offences. Whereas enactment and effectuation of this legislation is costly, its postive effects typically materialize in other jurisdictions (positive external effects). The paper shows that international covenants seek to give direct incentives to overcome the possible underprovision in anti-money laundering legislation and enforcement. The paper also shows how, in such an international context, anti-money laundering legislation can be easily misused as a political weapon in the cross-border fight against "unwanted individuals" and gives concrete examples for such an arbitrary enforcement.

Defending the European court of human rights: Experimental evidence from Britain

As nationalist sentiments gain traction globally, the attitudinal and institutional foundations of the international liberal order face new challenges. One manifestation of this trend is the growing backlash against international courts. Defenders of the liberal order struggle to articulate compelling reasons for why states, and their citizens, should continue delegating authority to international institutions. This article probes the effectiveness of arguments that emphasise the appropriateness and benefits of cooperation in containing preferences for backlash among the mass public. We rely on IR theories that explain why elites create international institutions to derive three sets of arguments that could be deployed to boost support for international courts. We then use experimental methods to test their impact on support for backlash against the European Court of Human Rights in Britain (ECtHR). First, in line with principal-agent models of delegation, we find that information about the court's reliability as an ‘agent’ boosts support for the ECtHR, but less so information that signals Britain's status as a principal. Second, in line with constructivist approaches, associating support for the court with the position of an in-group state like Denmark, and opposition with an out-group state like Russia, also elicits more positive attitudes. This finding points to the importance of ‘blame by association’ and cues of in/out-group identity in building support for cooperation. The effect is stronger when we increase social pressure by providing information about social attitudes towards Denmark and Russia in Britain, where the public overwhelmingly trusts the Danes and distrusts the Russians. Finally, in contrast to Liberal explanations for the creation of the ECtHR, the study finds no evidence that highlighting the court's mission to promote democracy and international peace contains backlash. We show that the positive effects of the first two arguments are not driven by pre-treatment attitudes such as political sophistication, patriotism, internationalism, institutional trust or political preferences.     

百年变局下的国际格局调整与中国引领新型周边关系

全球抗疫防疫堪称百年未有之大变局中具有历史影响的疫情政治经济学创举,为迈入后疫情时代的全球经济和国际政治新历程作出新的诠释和导引。启迪人们思考后疫情时代,我们将面对一个什么样的世界经济格局、什么样的全球治理体系、什么样的大国关系,乃至最终归结于什么样的中国未来。疫情引发的全球公共卫生危机和世界经济萧条与危机,导致国际政治经济格局出现重大调整,并为中国引领新型周边国家关系带来新的发展机遇。中国在实践中凝练的抗疫成果为中国与周边国家开展经济合作夯实了基础和提供了契机;“一带一路”建设成为中国周边地区的融合区和重启的首要之地;中美大国关系对中国周边地区的和平稳定起到决定性作用,只有大国关系稳定,周边国家的关系才可防可控可稳。严峻的全球疫情使人类愈发强烈感受并意识到,人类命运共同体已不是缥缈的理念和抽象的概念,每个国家的利益和命运已经与世界相互嵌入、环环相扣。东亚国家在疫情挑战面前选择了团结合作与同舟共济,RCEP的签署必将为促进东亚发展繁荣增添新动能,必将增强区域共同体意识。