Taiwan in the Caribbean: a case study in state de-recognition

The rich and complex recent International Political Sociology (IPS) literature on state recognition has completely ignored the process of de-recognition. The present article uses the case study of Taiwan’s efforts to preserve its ‘diplomatic allies’ in the Caribbean in order to fill this gap. Taking advantage of the IPS development of the constitutive theory of recognition, it introduces and analyses the concept of state de-recognition while emphasizing the deep contradiction between present international law principles and the political reality of national identity building as well as the de-linking of political science and international law understandings of recognition made possible by the progress of the constitutive theory. De-recognition is perceived as resulting in a hierarchical relationship between recognized and de-recognized political entities that is arbitrary and ethically questionable as it ultimately reflects the denial of the right to self-determination of peoples.     

Delegating Terror: Principal–Agent Based Decision Making in State Sponsorship of Terrorism

State sponsorship of terrorism, where a government deliberately provides resources and material support to a terrorist organization, is common in the international system. Sponsorship can provide significant strategic and political benefits for a state, but there are inherent international and domestic risks associated with delegating foreign policy to these actors. Using principal–agent analysis, I develop a model that evaluates the impact of potential costs and benefits on a state’s decision to sponsor terrorism. I test my model by using a novel dataset on sponsorship behaviors that ranges from 1970 to 2008. The results of my analysis support the validity of the principal–agent model in explaining sponsorship, as states will be more likely to engage in sponsorship when the strategic benefits of weakening the targeted state are high and the risks of international reputation loss and domestic dissatisfaction are low.     

从韩国传统公私观看其近代民族国家建设问题

现代民族国家诞生于欧洲的特殊历史背景下,其背后是民族主义的竞争逻辑,因此它亦拥有巨大的国家动员能力。近代时期,东亚三国之要务在于建成现代民族国家以抵御外侮,但唯有日本获得成功,中韩两国均遭遇重大挫折。思想观念上的一个重要原因在于中韩两国与日本传统公私观的不同。在思想与政治上受到中国巨大影响的朝鲜王朝,其超越狭隘民族意识的儒家"天下为公"思想使其在现代民族国家和现代国际体系的竞争逻辑面前表现出诸多不适应。但这种看似具有时代局限性的普遍主义思想,或许却能够为解决今天东亚地区的各种悬案提供一些思想资源,成为新的国际关系形态的指导精神。     

The political economy of labor market deregulation during IMF interventions

This study examines the relationship between policy interventions by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and de jure labor rights. Combining two novel data sets with unprecedented country-year coverage – leximetric data on labor laws and disaggregated data on IMF conditionality – our analysis of up to 70 developing countries from 1980 to 2014 demonstrates that IMF-mandated labor market policy measures significantly reduce both individual and collective labor rights. Once we control for the effect of labor market policy measures, however, we find that collective labor rights increase in the wake of IMF programs. We argue that this result is explained by the impact of union pressure on governments which, in such a context, are imbued with the policy space to respond to domestic interest groups. The study has broader theoretical implications as to when international organizations are effective in constraining governments’ choices.     

Building the Rule of International Criminal Law: The Role of Judges and Prosecutors in the Apprehension of War Criminals

International criminal tribunals are weak institutions, especially since they do not have their own police forces to execute arrest warrants. Understandably then, much of the existing literature has focused exclusively on pressure from major powers and on changing domestic politics to explain the apprehension of suspected war criminals. In contrast, this article turns attention back to the tribunals themselves. I propose three ways in which the activities of international criminal tribunals impact compliance with arrest warrants: through the selection of individuals to indict, demonstrated leniency on some suspects and outreach to domestic legal professionals. Using a duration model that accounts for sample selection and data collected on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, I test these theories alongside other existing explanations. I find that court activities can have an independent effect on the successful implementation of international criminal law.

医疗纠纷多元调解新机制思考与探索

目前我国医疗纠纷逐年增多,成为社会各界普遍关注的热点问题。同时,医疗纠纷解决机制的各种弊病也不断暴露出来,医疗纠纷解决现状令人堪忧。因此,如何克服医疗纠纷各种调解机制的自身缺陷,实现人民调解、行政调解、司法调解三种方式之间的有机衔接具有重要的理论和实践意义。     

当下国际金融监管法律制度改革的焦点与问题

由美国次贷危机引发的国际金融危机爆发后,国际社会出台的金融改革方案都把国际金融监管法律制度的改革作为整个金融改革的不可或缺的有机组成部分,这是金融全球化条件下防控金融风险和危机的需要和必然反映。从目前来看,加强和健全国际监管规则和标准、健全国际监管责任的划分、建立国际金融监管机构等方面,是国际金融监管法律制度改革的焦点。国际金融监管法律制度的改革关系着国际间利益的分配,我国对每一项国际金融监管法律制度的改革都应视其情况,研究和采取恰当的策略。     

中国海洋划界争端的国际法解读与对策研究

经济全球化的发展与沿海国的工业化使全球能源需求急剧扩大,新的蓝色圈地运动使国际海洋划界争端日益增多并复杂化。在亚洲,区域一体化进程、大国关系以及地缘政治都使中国有效地解决海洋划界争端变得更为艰难。海洋划界的国际法基础与司法实践以及东海与南海划界争端的国际法解读,为和平解决争端提供了合法性与历史经验。为了持久地解决海洋争端,中国必须提高其综合国力、坚持和平共处的外交政策、确立海洋开发政策以及加强海洋法的教学与研究。     

论国际刑事法院与其他国际机构的关系

国际刑事法院是一个追究个人刑事责任的常设性国际刑事司法机构,它既不同于只处理国家间争端的国际法院,也不同于安理会特设的几个国际刑庭。其补充管辖原则表明,它对国内法院起着补充作用而不是优先于国内法院行使管辖权。国际刑事法院与联合国安理会是合作与协调的关系,但规约第16条规定安理会以通过决议的方式要求法院推迟调查和起诉这个机制存在很大的缺陷,它为政治干涉司法提供了方便之路。     

我国行业利益集团对规制政策制定过程的影响

规制政策本质上具有对公民和企业的权利进行分配或再分配的特点,中国国际快递委员会通过重点运用游说策略,综合利用智库、媒体等渠道,对快递业的规制政策制定施加了影响,有力地抵制了国家邮政局和邮政企业“政企同盟”的政策意图。因此,如何在今后的利益集团博弈中构筑一个各方充分参与的制度性平台,将成为今后政治体制改革的重要课题。