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801.
2008年美国爆发次贷危机进而演变成为国际金融危机之后,全球经济受到了前所未有的严重冲击。虽然此后各国政府的救市措施缓解了金融危机的蔓延,但2010年爆发的欧洲债务危机再度表明世界经济复苏势头仍相当脆弱,在诸多不确定因素影响下仍可能出现"双底"复苏。因此,本文以国际金融危机的起源与演化为背景,分析国际金融危机对世界经济的影响以及对广西"十二五"经济发展的机遇和挑战,藉此提出广西应对国际金融危机的对策建议。 相似文献
802.
国际仲裁是解决跨国商事纠纷的主要方式。《纽约公约》使外国仲裁裁决在几乎全球范围内获得承认及执行。中国是《纽约公约》的成员国,中国法院在判断是否应拒绝承认和执行某一外国仲裁裁决时,主要是以《纽约公约》作为法律依据。结合《纽约公约》的规定和司法实践,本文分析了中国对外国仲裁裁决的界定标准,并系统地论述了中国拒绝承认与执行外国仲裁裁决的理由。 相似文献
803.
海南国际旅游岛建设,需要拓宽和简化外国人入境旅游手续,实行免签证制度是海南国际旅游岛建设的必然要求。海南免签证制度有利于推动和促进海南国际旅游业发展,完善海南旅游免签证制度,有必要通过经济特区立法权,制定有关免签证制度的法规,规范和完善海南国际旅游岛免签证制度。 相似文献
804.
第四次世界妇女大会后,国际劳工组织将社会性别主流化作为贯穿“人人享有体面工作”战略目标的重大问题,为此制定了将性别问题纳入主流的战略。为提高社会性别主流化的能力和促进就业政策中的性别平等,国际劳工组织启动了中国项目。为此,该项目在中国建立起“3 1”机制,为多部门推进性别平等的就业政策建立了网络和平台;该项目将社会性别主流化的理念和机制引入促进劳动就业领域,推动了社会性别分析方法在中国就业扶持政策和劳动力市场分析中的应用;该项目根据中国社会实际和本部门工作重点,开发了多种提高社会性别主流化能力的工具和手册。 相似文献
805.
冷战结束以来,国际政治中的民族分裂主义现象日益突出。民族分裂势力的旗号之一就是“民族自决原则”,这是对民族自决原则的曲解。本文拟从历史和现实的角度对此进行理论分析,认为民族自决只适用于反对外国压迫和殖民统治,民族自决的主体是政治意义上的民族而不是人类学上的族群。 相似文献
806.
近现代,国际移民书信多指海外华人通过民间渠道给家人汇款时附寄的书信,在广东潮汕、梅州地区、福建闽南地区称其为"侨批",在广东江门五邑地区称其为"银信"。它们作为闽粤侨批"富矿"的有机组成,已成为侨乡文化的重要载体。这里,以原生态的国际移民批信为依据,着重阐述在极端困难的生存环境下,仍积极捐资助学,兴办学校教育,培育人才,推动侨乡教育事业发展,从而高度赞扬了他们热爱家乡、重视侨乡教育的爱国情怀。 相似文献
807.
JOSEPH FEMIA 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(3):341-349
The paper begins by expressing some doubts about how Gramsci has been appropriated by the so-called 'Italian School' of International Relations/International Political Economy (IR/IPE). Particularly questionable is the attempt to 'internationalise' his concepts of 'civil society' and 'hegemony', whose respective meanings are sometimes extended beyond Gramscian usage. Also dubious is the tendency to assume that his conceptual framework supports a counter-discourse within IR/IPE that contradicts the 'realist' mainstream. In his political ideas, Gramsci was as much a child of Machiavelli as of Marx, and he praised the Florentine for developing a progressive or 'transformative' realism in opposition to the conventional type of realism that seeks only to 'manage' the status quo. This interpretation of Gramsci as a kind of realist is defended by highlighting three 'Machiavellian' aspects of his thought: (a) his contempt for abstract ideals of justice or democracy, (b) his hostility to 'vague and purely ideological' (his words) internationalism; and (c) his surprising (for a supposed Marxist) doubts about the prospects for a non-coercive and egalitarian society. In conclusion, it is pointed out that Gramsci helps us to illustrate a tension at the heart of Marxism: that between utopianism and realism. Because of his admiration for Machiavelli, he eventually betrayed second thoughts about Marx's vision of a world without borders or conflict. His idea of transformative realism, rather than his concept of hegemony, should perhaps be seen as his chief contribution to IR/IPE. 相似文献
808.
Tim Huxley 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):199-228
Three features stand out from the literature on Southeast Asia's international relations, written over the last fifty years: the dominance of extra‐regional scholarship; an overwhelming emphasis on regional security, and a related preponderance of realist perspectives; and the appearance, consolidation, and ebbing of the perceived utility of Southeast Asia as a useful analytical region. During the 1990s, there has been a questioning of the realist assumptions which have underlain international relations writing on the region, and there has been increased emphasis on economic issues. Southeast Asians are making an increasingly important contribution to the study of their own region's international relations, though mainly in terms of policy‐oriented research. The most important recent development has been the questioning of Southeast Asia's usefulness as an analytical region, in view of the growing intensity of economic and security relations between Northeast and Southeast Asia. 相似文献
809.
While the economic rise of new powers, frequently identified as the ‘BRICs’ (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), has been dramatic, the implications of this emerging multipolarity for global economic governance are not clear. In this paper, we address the question: can the diffusion of power among a greater diversity of countries result in the creation of a new global economic order—a Pax Mosaica—to succeed the Pax Americana of the previous century? Our argument proceeds in four steps. First, we provide a brief overview of the achievements and limitations of the system that was established at the end of World War II, and lasted for over half a century in the form of Pax Americana. In the second section, we investigate the emergence of multipolarity, and highlight the opportunities and costs that this generates. In the third section, we explore the routes whereby the changing balance of power might be harnessed towards the creation of a Pax Mosaica. We do so by posing four sets of questions, which must be answered if the mosaic distribution of power is to lead to greater economic stability, growth, and peace. The fourth section concludes the paper with ideas for reform with reference to the World Trade Organization, the Bretton Woods institutions, and the G20. 相似文献
810.
Maria McAlpin 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(1):51-69
General assessments of ecotourism and community-led development offer conflicting views of these strategies’ potential. Appraisals
of successful projects add to the available knowledge that policy makers can use to improve decision-making. The Mapu Lahual
Network of Indigenous Parks (RML), an ecotourism development and conservation project in the 10th Region of southern Chile,
covers 45,000 ha within the territories of eight indigenous communities, in a part of southern Chile that national and international
conservation organizations consider a high priority for ecological conservation. Elected leaders of the indigenous communities
established the RML in 2000 with technical assistance from public agencies and financial assistance from national and environmental
organizations. The RML’s primary purpose is to increase and diversify per-capita incomes in a way that preserves the area’s
environment and culture by establishing tourism based on a system of parks, trails, campgrounds, and local services. This
paper appraises the RML with respect to the common interest of the relevant local, national, and international communities.
The policy sciences provide a contextual basis for practical recommendations that will help participants build on the project’s
strengths and correct its weaknesses. The RML initiative provides a model of a development process that has been constructively
supported by members of public agencies and conservation organizations. The strategies employed in the RML could be diffused
and adapted in other contexts.
相似文献
Maria McAlpinEmail: |