刑罚轻缓、人权保障与《刑法修正案(八)》——以相关国际公约为蓝本的分析

对照《公民权利与政治权利公约》分析,《刑法修正案(八)》在死刑改革方面的进步值得肯定,但与公约要求的、逐步限制死刑适用以最终废除死刑的目标仍有距离;参照《北京规则》、《美洲人权公约》等分析,新修正案对未成年人、老年人犯罪适用刑罚增加了从宽处理的规定,实现了对弱者的人权保障,但该修正案在建立未成年人及成年人前科消灭制度等方面仍有不足;比照《东京规则》等国际公约分析,其以社区矫正入刑化为代表的非监禁刑之完善,体现了我国对国际公约相关要求的积极回应。     

论国际刑事法院证据规则的混合模式——以大陆法系和英美法系证据规则比较为视角

国际刑事法院诉讼规则是一种混合模式,证据规则也不例外。而这种混合模式融合了大陆法系证据采纳的宽泛规定和普通法系证据收集、出示和审查中的对抗制因素。这种混合模式有其特定的成因,而大陆法系和普通法系对这一混合模式则存在不同的看法,本文从比较视角对这一问题进行了分析,并指出了其对我国证据立法的启示。     

The beginning of university entrepreneurship in Japan: TLOs and bioventures lead the way

Following reforms between 1998 and 2004, Japan’s technology transfer system closely resembles the U.S. Bayh-Dole system. Numbers of TLO patents and licenses and numbers of startups are respectable compared to U.S. numbers shortly after enactment of Bayh-Dole. However, capabilities of TLOs vary, average royalties are low, and business prospects for most startups seem limited. In contrast, joint research with companies is increasing rapidly. Most joint research inventions are jointly owned giving the companies an automatic de facto, non-transferable, royalty-free and license. Data from one university show a large proportion of engineering and materials/chemistry inventions are attributed to joint research with large companies, thus limiting opportunities for startup formation and licensing to other small companies. (In biomedicine, pre-emption of discoveries by joint research is less.) Pre-emption of university discoveries (often publicly funded) under joint research agreements recreates the pre-reform system, where corporate donations also enabled pre-emption of discoveries. Like the old system, the new system is advantageous to established companies. Strengthening the formal system (including programs to assist startups) may redress this balance and give Japan the benefits of both types of technology transfer systems.

Transboundary river basin agreements in the Mekong and Zambezi basins: Enhancing environmental security or securitizing the environment?

Multilateral agreements are emerging as important mechanisms for structuring cooperation in politically and ecologically complex transboundary river basins around the world. While such agreements are offered and legitimized as a means to advance ecological and human security, they instead often promote state-centric environmental securitization. As a result, seemingly progressive agreements grounded in international law are likely to precipitate and mask environmental degradation until it becomes serious or even irreversible, creating both ecological and human security crises at a variety of scales. Case studies of wetland ecosystems in both the Zambezi and Mekong basins reveal the material and discursive linkages between international agreements and security. By drawing on critical approaches that acknowledge both the socially constructed and the multi-dimensional nature of sovereignty, this paper exposes significant institutional barriers to ecologically sustainable transboundary cooperation in the two basins.

Changing the Conversation: Can the Phone Hacking Scandal Lead to a New Covenant on Media Responsibilities?

This article examines the implications of the 2011 phone hacking scandal for press freedom in the United Kingdom. Specifically, it argues that the language of rights has too long dominated public discourse, which has led to discussion of media responsibilities being evaded. The article argues that there is now an opportunity for a radical restructuring of the relationship between the press, the public, and the political system that restores the media to their rightful role as a watchdog on government and steward of the people. It points to the need for independent regulation of the press and a statutory right of reply as means through which the relationship between media and citizen can be recast on the grounds of obligation and responsibility but argues that it is only when we move away from a framework grounded in rights to one grounded in responsibilities that meaningful change can flourish.     

他山之石：公众参与社会管理的国际经验与启示

公众参与社会管理是我国政府当前的一个新的重大议题,国际社会已有这方面的成功模式和经验。从巴西、美国和北欧公众参与社会管理的模式中可以看出,一定程度的社会民主、政府信息的公开透明和公民社会组织的存在与发展对公众参与社会管理具有不可替代的作用。这些成功经验对我国政府推动公众参与,完善社会管理格局有着重要的启示和借鉴意义。     

From Pax Americana to Pax Mosaica? Bargaining over a New Economic Order

While the economic rise of new powers, frequently identified as the ‘BRICs’ (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), has been dramatic, the implications of this emerging multipolarity for global economic governance are not clear. In this paper, we address the question: can the diffusion of power among a greater diversity of countries result in the creation of a new global economic order—a Pax Mosaica—to succeed the Pax Americana of the previous century? Our argument proceeds in four steps. First, we provide a brief overview of the achievements and limitations of the system that was established at the end of World War II, and lasted for over half a century in the form of Pax Americana. In the second section, we investigate the emergence of multipolarity, and highlight the opportunities and costs that this generates. In the third section, we explore the routes whereby the changing balance of power might be harnessed towards the creation of a Pax Mosaica. We do so by posing four sets of questions, which must be answered if the mosaic distribution of power is to lead to greater economic stability, growth, and peace. The fourth section concludes the paper with ideas for reform with reference to the World Trade Organization, the Bretton Woods institutions, and the G20.     

中美软实力在G20峰会中的比较研究——从国际媒体引用的视角

本文从G20峰会期间国际媒体引用的视角来比较中美两国的软实力。研究发现,中国被国际媒体的提及率高于美国;但美国金融机构受国际媒体的关注度高于中国;中国的发稿量比美国略高,但中美两国都远低于欧洲;欧洲媒体对中国高度关注,对美国却表现出揶揄和失望的情绪。中国正表现出在软实力领域的快速提升。     

当前国际形势及其发展趋势

在＂后金融危机时代＂,世界与地区秩序处于新旧交替之中,复杂性、不确定性与高风险性成为当今国际形势的阶段性主要特征。而发达国家经济困局严重拖累世界经济复苏进程,全球性社会政治抗争风潮迭起加剧各国治理难度,国际战略力量对比新变化催生大国＂竞合＂博弈,传统与非传统安全挑战同步增长恶化国际安全环境,亚太地缘战略格局复杂重组,这是当前国际形势的五大特征。展望2012年,世界经济复苏温和而曲折,＂大选年＂加剧国际政治经济敏感性,西方与新兴大国＂竞合＂关系更趋复杂,社会政治风潮可能向思想与意识形态领域扩散,亚太地缘战略格局重组磨合具有不确定性,各种不稳定因素相互交织、影响全球,国际形势动荡不定。     

西方国家主流媒体“中国国防透明度”报道研究

近年来,西方国家主流媒体关于"中国国防透明度"的新闻报道及认可程度并未因为中国国防透明度的显著提升而出现"正向相关"。通过对相关数据的采集和分析可以看出,西方国家主流媒体对中国国防透明度的认可程度与其国家同中国的政治友好程度"正向相关",而与西方国家主流媒体的媒体实力"反向相关"。西方国家主流媒体对中国国防透明度的新闻报道主要受到价值观念、刻板印象和国家利益等因素的影响,使其对中国国防透明度的新闻报道呈现一种层次性,不同类别的国家对中国国防透明度的评判态度明显不一致。因此,中国国防透明度的建构迫切需要与国际传播紧密结合起来,即实现自我塑造与他者建构的契合。