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151.
WILLINGNESS-TO-PAY ESTIMATES AND GEOGRAPHIC EMBEDDED SAMPLES: CASE STUDY OF ALASKAN STELLER SEA LION
Branka Valcic 《Journal of International Wildlife Law & Policy》2013,16(1-2):57-72
This paper examines willingness to pay for an endangered species protection program across geographically embedded samples. The samples range from the boroughs that contain critical habitat for the Steller sea lion to the state that contains these boroughs to the entire United States. The analysis is done using the contingent valuation method and comparing mean willingness to pay estimates using the Method of Convolution. When comparing willingness-to-pay estimates among paired samples, results indicate significantly different values across geographic samples, which may lead to dramatically different policy implications. Respondent motivating factors also vary from sample to sample, which may be of interest to the management agencies, especially federal agencies and those with a national scope. 相似文献
152.
邹瑞琼 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2012,(2):27-30
集体合同制度施行以来,虽在全国范围内得到广泛的发展并日趋完善,但同时也存在一些问题,其中最突出的是形式主义、走过场的现象,个中原因是多方面的,但主要原因在于集体协商一方主体-----职工主体缺位。 相似文献
153.
我国非物质文化遗产体系中的民间文学艺术保护工作正在全面展开,知识产权是否能够适用于民间文学艺术的保护仍存有争议.探析民间文艺著作权保护的缘由是厘清选择何种保护模式必要的举措.社会正义是民间文学艺术知识产权保护的价值取向.采用分类保护方式是民间文学艺术保护的优先选择. 相似文献
154.
明治维新后,伴随着近代学校教育制度的诞生,日本的社会教育也应运而生。本研究不仅考证了社会教育在日本的由来,确认了社会教育乃日本明治以后出现的特有的教育形态;并从教化型、民主型、终身型等三方面厘清了日本不同历史时期学者对社会教育的多元界定;而且对日本的社会教育和社会事业、社会政策、国家教育、国民教育、家庭教育、学校教育、终身教育、终身学习、成人教育、社区教育等相关概念的区别与联系进行了辨析。在此基础上,归纳了日本社会教育概念的五个特征,即丰富多样性、暧昧模糊性、服务主体性、法律健全性、实践追求性等。 相似文献
155.
日本的少年司法制度建立在其《少年法》的基础之上。日本的《少年法》集实体法、程序法、行政福利法、刑事法为一体,秉承着保护未成年人的理念,充分考虑到未成年人的身心特点,尊重其作为权利主体之人格,系统、全面地规定了保护、教育他们的原则和办法。在健全的少年司法制度的引领下,日本社会一直处于少年违法犯罪率较低的水平,其在未成年人保护和治理少年非行方面堪称世界楷模,值得中国借鉴。中国自20世纪80年代中期以来在未成年人司法保护领域作了一些努力和尝试,取得了较大进步,但和世界水平相比,仍有巨大差距,理应奋起直追。世界各国少年法一般称调整对象为"少年",但也有称为"未成年人"、"青少年"或"儿童"的,含义均为同一。本文中的少年和未成年人是指相同的概念。 相似文献
156.
This article juxtaposes two of the most influential yet under-studied America watchers within the top echelon of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Wang Huning and Zheng Bijian. To be sure, the two have indelibly shaped CCP attitudes, yet surprisingly enough, although Zheng has been written about extensively in the English language, Wang has hitherto largely remained outside academics’ purview. This article also aims, in passing, to explore linkages between Wang and Zheng ideas and those of other well- known America watchers like Liu Mingfu and Yan Xuetong. The comparison offers clues as to the extent to which the current advisory shaping CCP thinking on the US differs from the previous generation, and as to whether CCP thinking is un-American or anti-American in essence. The conclusions ties the study together by arguing, based on Wang and Zheng's views, that New Confucianism may shape Chinese society in the future 相似文献
157.
Helen O’Nions 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2020,42(3):319-340
ABSTRACT This article examines how three spheres of hostility intersect to prevent effective access to justice for those living with insecure immigration status. The neoliberal governance model, the barren justice landscape and the hostile environment are supported by the cynical construction of the ‘fat cat’ lawyer and the toxic ‘folk devil’ narrative of the ‘bogus’ asylum seeker. To the extent that the judiciary have frustrated the more obvious, ideologically driven, attempts to restrict access to justice for migrants, the austerity predicated measures pursuant to the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012 (LASPO) have completely altered the legal landscape. The analysis is informed by the findings of the ‘Legal advice and support for persons with insecure status’ project (hereafter LAPIS) in Nottingham which explores the challenges faced by service providers and the lived experiences of those with insecurity of status. It is clear that access to justice is a passport to the realisation of other rights, yet participants struggled to access a remedy because legal advice is too often out of reach. 相似文献
158.
Marie Burton 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2020,42(3):341-359
ABSTRACT Advice that is provided exclusively over the telephone has been promoted by government as more convenient and accessible than face-to-face appointments. The resulting push towards telephone-only provision, as implemented by the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012, challenges the long history of association between social welfare law advice and local delivery within disadvantaged communities. This article reports on qualitative research comparing telephone and face-to-face advice which uncovers the continuing relevance of place in the dynamics and mechanics of social welfare law provision. Familiarity with the geographical location, knowledge of local policies and procedures, relationships with opponents and allies, and an understanding of the ‘local legal culture’ mean that face-to-face advisers are often able to conduct their legal casework more effectively. Conversely, local knowledge is unlikely to be available to Community Legal Advice telephone advisers. This research suggests that, in addition, telephone-only advisers may be developing a more narrow understanding of the essential qualities of casework. These findings are particularly significant in view of the likely future expansion of remote methods of delivery in legal aid work. 相似文献
159.
十八届四中全会以来,依法治国成为整个社会发展的主题。刑事侦查领域也提出了侦查法治化的思想,其中加强刑侦队伍正规化建设,提升刑侦队伍执法素养成为一个重要的环节。应该剖析侦查人员法律素养的内涵,立足于侦查人员不同的学习背景,提出差异化培养的思想,并通过有针对性的教育培训等途径提高侦查人员的法律素养,推动侦查工作的法治化进程。 相似文献
160.
Devra C. Moehler 《政治交往》2016,33(3):414-432
How does media exposure affect political engagement in newly liberalized systems? Some celebrate newly vibrant and diverse media, believing that they mobilize citizens. Others worry that these outlets, which are often partisan, dampen engagement. We theorize that exposure to political programming engenders interest in politics irrespective of program bias, but that interest does not necessarily beget action. Partisan media affect participation only when altering attitude strength, and thus motivations. To evaluate media effects on interest and participation, we conducted a field experiment in Ghana, in which subjects in tro-tros (commuter vans) were randomly exposed to different types of live talk radio. We find that partisan and nonpartisan media increased political interest, but not participation. Instead, exposure to alternate perspectives on cross-cutting media (i.e., those biased against subjects’ partisan preferences) heightened ambivalence and dampened participation, measured as signing a petition to parties. Partisan media simultaneously increased interest and decreased participation. 相似文献