全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 7563篇 |
| 免费 | 26篇 |
专业分类
| 各国政治 | 564篇 |
| 工人农民 | 161篇 |
| 世界政治 | 257篇 |
| 外交国际关系 | 1274篇 |
| 法律 | 1902篇 |
| 中国共产党 | 272篇 |
| 中国政治 | 629篇 |
| 政治理论 | 545篇 |
| 综合类 | 1985篇 |
出版年
| 2025年 | 8篇 |
| 2024年 | 20篇 |
| 2023年 | 28篇 |
| 2022年 | 57篇 |
| 2021年 | 64篇 |
| 2020年 | 159篇 |
| 2019年 | 176篇 |
| 2018年 | 209篇 |
| 2017年 | 230篇 |
| 2016年 | 254篇 |
| 2015年 | 204篇 |
| 2014年 | 389篇 |
| 2013年 | 789篇 |
| 2012年 | 575篇 |
| 2011年 | 441篇 |
| 2010年 | 433篇 |
| 2009年 | 477篇 |
| 2008年 | 417篇 |
| 2007年 | 461篇 |
| 2006年 | 456篇 |
| 2005年 | 441篇 |
| 2004年 | 389篇 |
| 2003年 | 297篇 |
| 2002年 | 258篇 |
| 2001年 | 200篇 |
| 2000年 | 96篇 |
| 1999年 | 22篇 |
| 1998年 | 8篇 |
| 1997年 | 3篇 |
| 1994年 | 3篇 |
| 1992年 | 1篇 |
| 1991年 | 2篇 |
| 1990年 | 2篇 |
| 1987年 | 1篇 |
| 1984年 | 5篇 |
| 1983年 | 1篇 |
| 1982年 | 6篇 |
| 1981年 | 4篇 |
| 1980年 | 2篇 |
| 1978年 | 1篇 |
排序方式： 共有7589条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
241.
242.
243.
John J. Davenport 《Criminal justice ethics》2016,35(1):39-67
This article defends the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine (adopted by the United Nations in 2005) against critiques by Fabrice Weissman in this journal, and against similar criticisms of humanitarian intervention and human rights norms made by postmodern thinkers in the Nietzschean tradition, such as Alain Badiou and Anne Orford. I argue against Weissman that R2P can be effective in stopping or preventing mass atrocities, and in particular that opposition to military intervention in Syria during the 2013 debates was a terrible mistake. Moreover, the moral ground for humanitarian aid efforts is the same as the basis for forceful rescue from mass slaughter, ethnic cleansing, and persecution (when other conditions of just war can be met). Weissman's critiques misinterpret just war theory on key points and rely on inflated rhetorical strategies inspired by extreme forms of cultural and moral relativism that are intellectually bankrupt—both in blaming “Western imperialism” for most crimes against humanity committed by tyrants, and in leaving hundreds of thousands without the only protection that could prevent their murder and exile. These extreme positions and the strained rhetorical devices used to defend them do not deserve the wide respect they command in some parts of academia. 相似文献
244.
245.
Contract killing and hitmen are underexplored in criminology. Recent studies, including an ongoing project in South Africa, have examined a large number of individual cases relating to contract killings, producing a series of typologies of hitmen. Despite this thematic ordering, few empirically‐based studies – incorporating interviews with hitmen themselves – exist, especially given the practical and ethical issues involved. Such information remains essential, however, to more clearly understand the socialisation and criminal careers of contract killers. Our subjects occupy a specific place within the gangs of Cape Town: they are ordered to kill for gang bosses as well as being recruited by external parties to conduct ‘hits’. On the basis of seven interviews with ‘hammermen’ and two with senior gang bosses, we explore the experiences of gang‐associated hitmen. We conclude that the current literature, by seeking to identify a series of typologies of contract killers that focus mainly on their level of ‘professionalism’, provides only a one‐dimensional and – in some respects – stereotypical picture of the realities of contract killing. Instead, we show that hitmen occupy an ambiguous and tenuous position within local gangs and gang culture: essential to the security of gang bosses, but also a threat to it as a result of what they know and what they do. As a result, ‘hammermen’ express a surprising degree of vulnerability, and may themselves be subject to assassination. 相似文献
246.
The early elite of the African National Congress (ANC) embraced values of moral improvement, individual responsibility and a sense of social consciousness. The ANC now governs South Africa, but with what appears to be a different set of principles. The current scourge of corruption, increasing state control, coupled with a general lack of service delivery point to behaviour of the ruling party which is inward-looking, self-seeking and self-preserving. Arguing that political culture and its accompanying values and attitudes is a prime motivator of behaviour, the paper seeks to understand the changing political culture of the dominant party. To understand the political culture of the ANC we use interviews with ANC parliamentarians and ANC supporters conducted in 2006–2007 and 2013 as well as an analysis of the ANC's Strategy and Tactics policy documents. We contend that the liberal values of the early elites were never fully embedded, but in their stead is a liberationist culture, where the state is normatively understood to be extensive and embodying the will of the people. We argue, that through the resulting centralized determination of the interests of the people, patronage networks, and diminishing of accountability, a system conducive to corruption and the pursuit of personal interest is created. 相似文献
247.
Federico Lenzerini 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(2):70-85
AbstractIntentional destruction of cultural heritage is a well-known phenomenon which has been particularly exacerbated in recent times. Its common denominator is represented by the intent to persecute the communities for which that heritage represents an essential element of their cultural identity and distinctiveness. In legal terms, it produces different implications, to the point that – depending on the circumstances in which it is perpetrated – it may be qualified as a war crime, crime against humanity, violation of internationally recognised human rights, or evidence of the existence of the intent to commit genocide. Since the whole international community is seriously affected by the destruction of cultural heritage, it is indispensable that the doctrine of responsibility to protect (R2P) be put into practice seriously and effectively with the purpose of protecting humanity against the irreplaceable loss of its heritage. 相似文献
248.
Jamey Essex 《Development in Practice》2016,26(3):346-359
Urbanisation in the Global South presents numerous challenges for international development institutions. Building from interviews at nine different international development institutions working in Jakarta, Indonesia, this article examines how such institutions approach urban poverty, governance, and collaboration. The case study of Jakarta indicates that urban governance is often fragmented and difficult for such institutions to navigate, making partnership with other, often local, actors and institutions with urban and on-the-ground expertise vital. International development institutions struggle to both address the unique characteristics of distinct urban areas and to develop widely replicable practices, strategies, and platforms for effective partnership and development intervention. 相似文献
249.
Aidan Tan Yuke Tien Fong Sweet Far Ho Boon Keng Tay Yeow Leng Chua 《Development in Practice》2016,26(2):251-257
Medical aid missions involve travel to conflict or danger zones, posing safety risks in addition to the usual occupational risks arising from daily medical work. The note reports on a volunteer mission, using personal reports, anecdotal experiences, and the formal annual report to undertake an assessment similar to worksite assessments for hazards and control measures. Hazards were found to be prevalent, including physical noise and heat, infectious exposure from patients and local vectors, poor water sanitation, and psychosocial stress from unfamiliar environments and large patient numbers with limited means. Implementable preventative measures include increasing awareness with appropriate protective equipment usage and safety guidelines. Mission planning and management should also involve occupational health input. 相似文献
250.
Efforts to incorporate “political thinking” into policy-making and practice in OECD-DAC development agencies have increasingly focused on the use of “political economy analysis” (PEA) frameworks and tools. While recognising the fundamental value of promoting politically informed programming, this article nevertheless highlights how contemporary efforts to this end have largely ignored another central development agenda: the ownership paradigm. Emphasising the highly donor-centric nature of PEA design and methodology, we explore critiques and justifications of this state of affairs, ultimately arguing that donors would benefit from embracing a more flexible and context-specific understanding of ownership. 相似文献