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21.
李宽松 《天水行政学院学报》2010,(5):94-97
本文从自在之物、理性认识能力、二律背反和主客体关系等几个具体方面,分析康德、黑格尔和列宁在哲学之路上跨越时空的对话,以及他们之间就这些问题的先后批判关系。 相似文献
22.
The paper examines the consistency of recent Kantian justifications of state authority through reflection on the normative implications of states’ territorial nature. I claim that their conceptual structure leaves these accounts unable to close the justificatory gap that emerges at the transition from legitimate authority simpliciter, to legitimate state authority. None of the strategies Kantian statists have come up with in order to solve this problem – based on the proximity, occupancy and permissive principles – provides the needed grounds on which to carve up the earth’s surface into jurisdictional domains. Yet, I conclude that this does not require Kantians to cede statist grounds altogether but to take a distinctly ‘global perspective’ on states. 相似文献
23.
Christian F. Rostbøll 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2019,22(1):55-70
AbstractContemporary ‘realists’ attack the Kantian influence on political philosophy. A main charge is that Kantians fail to understand the specificity of politics and neglect to develop a ‘distinctively political thought’ that differs from moral philosophy. Instead, the critics say, Kantians are guilty of an ‘ethics-first approach to politics,’ in which political theory is a mere application of moral principles. But what does this ethics-first approach have to do with Kant himself? Very little. This article shows how Kant’s approach to political theory at a fundamental level includes political institutions, power, and coercion as well as disagreement, security, and coordination problems. In contrast to realists, Kant has a fundamental principle, which can explain why and guide how we ought to approach the political question, namely the norm of equal freedom. Yet, Kant’s theory does not take the form of a moralistic ought addressed to the isolated individual, but concerns a problem that we share as interdependent beings and that requires common institutions. The fruitfulness of the Kantian approach, then, is that it can take the political question seriously without being uncritical of actual politics and power, and that it can be normative without being moralistic. 相似文献
24.
邓晓芒 《江苏行政学院学报》2006,(2):12-15
牟宗三认为康德哲学中的“智性直观”这个概念可以作为康德哲学甚至西方哲学向中国哲学过渡的桥梁。但是,牟宗三对康德的这一概念的理解是不准确的,而且他从康德的这一概念过渡到中国哲学的立场也是不合法的,实际上这是从康德的批判的高度退回到了非批判的独断的陷阱。 相似文献
25.
康德的主体化美学,强调了审美判断的主观性和非功利性,这是西方近现代审美自律思想的重要来源,也是西方"审美区分"思想的基础。但康德另一方面也认为,审美判断本身不等同于认识与意志、理性与知性,但兼备认识和意志、知性与理性的性质,这就意味着审美判断本身就具备那些认识与意志、理性与知性等非审美因素,康德在这里强调了审美判断的非纯粹性与功利性,这是康德审美判断的矛盾处。应该重视康德审美判断的纯粹性与非纯粹性之间、非功利性与功利之间以及审美区分与审美无区分之间的悖论状态中所形成的艺术理解张力,艺术真理的生成和被揭示就产生在这种张力中。 相似文献
26.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):175-191
AbstractWhile much that is admirable in romanticism stems from Kant's philosophy, a better account of how sexuality can be an ethical possibility exceeds the cramped parameters that he imposes. His conception of marriage and its dependence upon a contractual exchange of rights may well be irremediable because of its formal emptinesses. His idea of human love as good will and an interest in the welfare of the beloved is defensible as far as it goes. But it does not go far enough to explain the morality of love, either in sexuality or in marriage. 相似文献
27.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(3):299-304
AbstractPaolo Diego Bubbio's Sacrifice in the Post-Kantian Tradition offers a valuable and insightful discussion of the place of sacrifice plays in nineteenth century European philosophy, setting the stage for its emergence as a central theme in subsequent continental thought. Bubbio offers a strong case for the claim that the foundational move of the post-Kantian tradition is a fundamentally kenotic one. Bubbio is also critical of certain excesses in the way sacrifice is discussed in more recent work. However, the case of Kierkegaard in particular suggests kenosis is not so easily kept within the comfortable boundaries Bubbio prescribes for it: its excesses may be an integral part, rather than a hyperbolic distortion, of the logic of sacrifice. 相似文献
28.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(3):463-490
AbstractThe concept of trauma has recently expanded its reach to include what otherwise might be understood as intimate experience. This overextension represents a threat to our ability to conceptualize intimate experiences, hence to use concepts to engage in intimate communication. An analysis of Wallace Stevens' poem "The Auroras of Autumn", demonstrates how poetry provides a supplemental vehicle for the communication of intimate experiences. Poetry is therefore characterized as an essential element in ethical life. 相似文献
29.
Equity, international trade and climate policy 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Claudia Kemfert Richard S. J. Tol 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2002,2(1):23-48
The literature of welfare-maximising greenhouse gas emission reduction strategies pays remarkably little attention to equity. This paper introduces various ways to consider efficiency and equity simultaneously. Lower (higher) discount rates lead to higher (lower) emission reduction. Higher (lower) inequity aversion leads to higher (lower) emission abatement, unless one also considers the negative effects of OECD emission reduction on the exports of developing countries; in that case, the effect of inequity aversion is ambiguous. In the absence of international co-operation, higher (lower) risk aversion leads to lower (higher) emission abatement. With international co-operation, the effect of risk aversion is ambiguous because the higher risk aversion gives more weight to poorer regions and poorer generations. We analyse four ways to introduce compassion in a non-cooperative setting. If observed development aid is a guide, international altruism is small and has little impact on optimal emission control. If countries act as if they 'feel' but not 'physically experience' the climate impact of the most vulnerable country, optimal emission reduction increases, but not substantially so. However, if countries actually have to pay for the damage done, they would prefer to reduce their emissions to much lower levels. Finally, if countries pay as much for emission reduction as other countries suffer from climate change, (that is, if climate policy restores the income distribution to what it would have been without climate change), emissions are rapidly cut to very low levels. 相似文献