Testing the three- and four-factor models of the Korean version PCL-R as predictors of two antisocial outcomes – recidivism and risk

Psychopathy has consistently been associated with antisocial outcomes. The three- and four-factor models have been best fitted to data relating to Korean serious offenders (N?=?451), offering construct validity of the Korean Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R). However, no study has yet tested the predictive power of the Korean PCL-R to explain two different types of antisocial outcomes: (1) risk of inmates measured by correctional officers during incarceration and (2) recidivism after release. By exploring these two forms of antisociality, here we sought to establish the predictive and construct validities of the Korean version of PCL-R. We found that the deviant lifestyle (Factor 3) performed best for predicting both antisocial forms (risk and recidivism) and that the deficits in interpersonal (Factor 1) and affective (Factor 2) abilities also uniquely predicted one subtype of risk, which suggests the three-factor model is better than the four-factor model in predictions. These findings will be useful for criminal justice experts and practitioners in Korea.     

俄罗斯在解决朝鲜半岛事务中的作用论析

经过冷战后十余年的演进,俄罗斯正逐步形成一个比较稳定、成熟和较为全面的半岛政策,其积极参与朝鲜半岛事务,无论是在解决核问题、建立半岛永久和平机制,还是在半岛统一问题,抑或是在加强与半岛的经济合作与发展方面,俄罗斯都发挥了与之国情相一致的作用。     

以情感为核心创新主题团日活动

主题团日活动这一高校德育重要阵地在新形势下逐渐显现它的不足之处。我们将此工作以情感为核心创新思路,着眼点从单纯的"以理服人"转移到与"以情感人"并重上来,在构建情感认同、增强主体体验性和激发主动参与性三个方面进行积极探索,使这一阵地重新焕发生机。     

Executive-legislative competition in agenda setting: an analysis of longitudinal changes in South Korea

The historical patterns of executive dominance in national policymaking have undergone a rapid transformation in South Korea. In the context of an emerging institutional rivalry between the executive and legislative branches in forming national policies, this study examines a causal nexus among the agenda power parity, jurisdictional complexity, and the scope and diversity of the national agenda space. A series of data analyses on various original measures of the key variables reveal that the two dimensions of the national agenda space have been reshaped via different causal processes. While the rise of the legislative power in agenda setting and the complexity of legislative jurisdictions tend to increase the scope of the national agenda space, democratic transition subsumes the influence of all other factors in increasing the diversity of the national agenda space.     

Balloon warriors for North Korean human rights activism: a critique of North Korean defector-activists’ post-humanitarianism

While the identity politics of North Korean defector-activists at home and abroad is revealed by unraveling the discursive complexity of their activism, little attention has been paid to the way in which that activism compromises the discursive dynamic of the defector community desiring to contest the power of a ruling paradigm within political culture. A critical analysis of North Korean defector balloon warriors who have crusaded against the North Korea regime through airborne leaflet drops at the South–North Korea border illustrates how their uncritical and unquestioned acceptance of liberal human rights can only leave the defector community vulnerable to charges of being politically-futile disparate citizens. The invocations of transnational liberal hegemonic norms obscure and undermine North Korean defectors’ agency of collective engagement in acts of liberal democratic citizenship. Understanding the propagandistic dimension of their dissenting voices can help expand the scope of analysis of liberal democratic posthumanitarian citizenship.     

Kim Jong-il's military-first politics and beyond: Military control mechanisms and the problem of power succession

Military-first politics has been at the heart of the unexpected regime stability in North Korea under Kim Jong-il and his son Jong-un. This article analyzes Kim Jong-il’s military-first politics as a strategic choice for regime survival, in which the locus of political power switched from the party to the military. At the same time, Kim Jong-il formulated a complex system of circumventing the possibility of the armed forces' political domination, including personalistic control using sticks and carrots, fortifying security and surveillance institutions, and compartmentalizing the security institutions for intra- and inter-organizational checks and balances to prevent the emergence of organized opposition to the regime. Although an effective short-term solution, military-first politics could never be a long-term strategy for building gangseongdaeguk (a powerful and prosperous nation). The current Kim Jong-un regime needs to conduct sweeping reforms to address dire economic difficulties, which might result in a departure from his father's legacy and downgrade the military's power. In this process, the current regime's (in)stability will depend on how it maintains a balance between revoking military-first politics and preserving the armed forces' allegiance.     

朝鲜朝文人对“夷齐”的接受与认知研究——以“燕行录”中伯夷叔齐记录为中心

自古以来伯夷叔齐就因在中国被称为忠于"节义"的"贤者"而广为人知,而另一方面,古代朝鲜朝文人同样也对伯夷叔齐具有深厚的感情。韩国著名的"燕行录"中有诸多关于"夷齐"的记录,这表明当时的朝鲜朝文人真诚崇尚伯夷叔齐并给予了极大的关注。本论文主要以"燕行录"中的有关伯夷叔齐的记录(包括日记和杂录)为研究对象,从历史文化的视角深入剖析、解读明清时期朝鲜朝文人对"夷齐"的认知态度及其变因。通过本论文的研究,在客观理解"夷齐"的文化价值和意义以及古代中韩两国的文化交流状况上都有一定的启示。     

Analysis of an ancestry using cremated old human remains from the Korean War victims

Analysis of DNA from burnt bone fragment is the very hard work for the human identification in forensic casework. In general, cremated bone with an artificial damage is more difficult to get an intact DNA than a singed one because of the chemical and biological drastic changes such as protein denaturation and destruction. In this study, we pursue the best technical approach for the minimal damage and the contamination of DNA from other factors in the preconditioning and the extraction process based on over 70 years old Korean War victim skeletal that was burnt and buried in Korean Peninsula. First of all, we removed the pollutant and the dust from the burnt bones using dental instruments, and then incubated with EDTA buffer at 25 ℃ to remove inhibitors such as calcium and mineral. In order to compare the DNA preservation ability between a pellet and a supernatant, samples are repeatedly tested to collect washed EDTA buffer several times to separate. Each of isolated materials is secondly cleaned with the organic extraction method using phenol and analyzed mtDNA sequence with the in-house method for the ancestry assay. The better discrimination ability was appeared in the supernatant than the pellet. Nevertheless, many of the forensic geneticists use a powdering method for getting more DNA, we applied EDTA buffer in the preconditioning step to eliminate every contamination. As a result, the contamination factor was efficiently removed and the ancestry was estimated as per the written information. Consequently, cremated bone is identified to belong in the D4 mtDNA haplogroup which is commonly reported in ethnic groups in Asia especially Korea. This is a preliminary study of a human identification over an ancestry analysis to give information against a mass disaster in a future. Through a higher process optimization and better analytical methods toward more remains, which are genetically difficult to analyze, will support to examine the identity of the post cremated remains.     

中国在朝鲜半岛的地缘战略选择:资源基础、目标构想与主要课题

朝鲜半岛对中国国家安全的特殊性和重要性是不言而喻的。对此,人们惯以"唇亡齿寒""唇齿相依"等词来形容这一特殊的地缘关系。历史证明,朝鲜半岛局势的任何变化,均会对中国国家安全产生直接或是间接的重要影响。朝鲜半岛的地缘形势变化,关涉多重中国核心利益的维护、实现和扩展。对中国而言,在"大周边"战略的基本框架之下,加快制定和实施具有前瞻性、全局性和可持续性的朝鲜半岛战略,与朝鲜半岛国家开展更加灵活、务实和全面的合作关系,对中国在21世纪上半叶更好地保持周边环境的整体和平稳定,进一步把握战略机遇期,努力实现国家跨越式发展的战略目标,具有十分重大的现实意义。     

韩国新农村运动的成功要因分析

韩国在韩国20世纪70年代实施的新农村运动被誉为发展中国家农村建设的成功范例。本文从韩国建国后的社会经济环境,推动主体之间形成的善治特征,变革目标和战略选择等角度,全面分析韩国新农村运动的成功要因,以及韩国经验对中国所具有的启示意义。