韩国社会服务令对我国社区矫正制度的启示

我国借鉴西方经验对监外执行制度改革,在新修订的刑法、刑诉法中分别首次确认了社区矫正刑罚制度及其运行机制。韩国刑罚制度中已将社会服务令引入法制体系十几年,目前已发展为一种综合性惩治犯罪的选择性措施广泛的适用。对韩国社区服务令进行深入研究,对推动我国社区矫正刑罚制度的进一步完善具有重要的理论与实践意义。     

Studying North Korea through North Korean migrants: lessons from the field

This article examines the use of North Korean defectors’ accounts as a source of information for studying the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Information from defectors fills a vital knowledge gap and improves our understanding of North Korean politics, economics, and society. Witness accounts and interview data collected from people who were born in North Korea but have since left have been widely used by journalists, government agencies, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, and academics. There are, however, serious methodological issues in collecting, organizing, and interpreting information derived from defectors’ accounts. Selection and demographic biases, power relations between researchers and interviewees, monetary incentives, and language barriers are among those issues. We propose focus group discussions and participatory observation as complementary methods of data collection to mitigate the shortfalls of relying on individual interviews.     

The Turkish Republic's Jihad? Religious symbols,terminology and ceremonies in Turkey during the Korean War 1950–1953

On 25 July 1950, a month after the beginning of the Korean War, the newly elected Democratic Party (DP) in Turkey announced that a brigade would be sent to assist South Korea as part of the UN mission led by the United States. The main argument of this article is that although the DP regime is considered a secular and Kemalist one, the state continued the Ottoman tradition and practice of using Islam to gain support for the war and to mobilize the Turkish nation. To do so, the article will show the similarity of both the means and the content of religious propaganda used in the Korean War to those used in the Ottoman jihad in the First World War. This article suggests that parts of the public understood the war as a religious conflict and not just as an ideological one thus indicating the success of the religious messages and their efficiency.     

美国对印度、朝鲜核政策的比较研究：建构主义的视角

冷战结束以来,特别是近十年面对印度和朝鲜发展核力量的努力,美国采取了完全不同的核政策。美国对印度持友善甚至支持的态度,而对朝鲜采取对抗性政策。本文试从温特的身份建构主义并结合语言行为的角度分析,揭示美国形成不同核政策的原因——美国对两国构建起截然不同的身份。冷战后,美印互动促使美国对印度在冷战时期构建起的非敌非友身份向准盟友方向转化,而美朝的互动强化了美国在冷战时期就已经构建起的敌人身份认同。     

论李明博政府的实用主义外交

李明博政府上台后推行实用主义外交政策,主要包括以服务于"先进化国家"为宗旨,强化韩美同盟关系、开启对日关系"新思维"、调整对朝政策、奉行有限度的"平衡"外交、积极开展对华经贸关系、对俄能源外交以及全球外交等.实用主义外交是基于国际和国内、历史与现实、社会与个人等多种因素考虑的结果.实用主义外交面临着美韩同盟利益与韩国民族利益的冲突、韩日之间的结构性矛盾、对朝政策的有效性以及李明博政绩认可度等挑战,其效果还有待于进一步观察.     

抗美援朝战争中的停战谈判决策研究

本文重点探讨中国的"战争局部化"战略、志愿军作战目标的制订及其变化等因素--对停战决策的影响。中国军队入朝作战后进行的五次战役都伴随着停战谈判的考虑,有关停战的设想和条件也是不断变化的。有关的各种意见和决策始终联系着对"战争局部化"战略的理解、背离或贯彻。探讨停战谈判决策与探讨军事决策一样,都必须比较准确地理解中国决策层有关"战争局部化"的概念。     

论日本的朝鲜半岛政策与日韩邦交正常化

“二战”后日本总的朝鲜半岛政策就是“两个朝鲜”政策。以此为前提,在不同的历史时期,日本根。据国际、国内形势的变化,采取了不同的具体对韩政策。20世纪60年代以前,处于战后复兴阶段的日本,为自身的国家利益考虑,在对朝鲜半岛殖民统治的认识、韩国对日请求权、日韩渔业纷争、在日朝鲜人等问题上对韩采取了强硬政策。之后,随着日本经济的高速增长和美国东亚政策的调整,日本从现实的国家利益及配合美国的东亚战略的角度出发,搁置日韩在殖民统治认识问题上的争议,迅速着手解决影响当代日韩关系发展的最大障碍——韩国对日请求权问题和日韩渔业纷争问题,实现了日韩邦交正常化。     

试析汉语新词韩译问题及对策

中国近年来新词层出不穷,大量新词被翻译到韩国,本文通过网络资料分析了这些汉语新词在韩译方面存在的问题,并以相关理论为基础,探讨了汉语新词韩译对策,以期对今后翻译有所裨益,同时唤起国内外学者对新词翻译层面的关注。     

特赦问题研究

赦免,一个古老而又常新的话题。盛世时赦少,乱世赦多也是历史所证明的。赦多则宽暴徒、伤良民,使国家法令废弛,更有鼓励犯罪之嫌。当今社会,赦免是许多国家弥补法律僵化的重要手段,然而赦免对于法治的违背使人们对赦免的合理性产生怀疑,而且赦免存在滥用政治目的的可能。目前,我国关于特赦的立法并不成熟;社会的后续接受能力也有限;老百姓对特赦所产生的危机感更是难以消除。因而在目前情况下不宜进行特赦。     

Civil Liberties and the Korean War

This article addresses the unsuccessful attempts to suppress free speech during the Korean War, and in particular explains the attempts to silence three reporters of alleged atrocities by United Nations forces. In the absence of carefully targeted legislation, the three individuals – Alan Winnington (a journalist), Monica Felton (a women's movement activist) and Jack Gaster (a solicitor) ‐ were threatened with or investigated for prosecution for treason or sedition, and Winnington was unable to renew his passport until 1968. Drawing heavily on archival sources (including MI5 files, which unusually fail to redact the identity of one of the lawyers who was reporting to Special Branch about Gaster's activities), the article explores the threat to civil liberties from the administrative as well as the legislative and the judicial power of the state. The article concludes by drawing contemporary parallels, and highlighting the continuing relevance of the writings of Winnington, Felton and Gaster.