首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   191篇
  免费   4篇
各国政治   63篇
工人农民   2篇
世界政治   9篇
外交国际关系   41篇
法律   36篇
中国政治   2篇
政治理论   20篇
综合类   22篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   2篇
  2019年   5篇
  2018年   7篇
  2017年   6篇
  2016年   5篇
  2015年   4篇
  2014年   17篇
  2013年   31篇
  2012年   19篇
  2011年   20篇
  2010年   12篇
  2009年   12篇
  2008年   11篇
  2007年   14篇
  2006年   9篇
  2005年   6篇
  2004年   5篇
  2003年   3篇
  2002年   3篇
  2001年   1篇
  2000年   1篇
排序方式: 共有195条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
中华民族是有浓厚感恩美德底蕴的民族,由于主客观原因导致当代大学生感恩意识的缺失。大学生感恩意识缺失表现在诸多方面,而传统德育的缺陷、社会变迁的消极影响和大学生德性修养的缺失是大学生感恩意识缺失的深刻原因。重塑当代大学生的感恩意识,应该从德育的理念、目标、内容、体制、过程几个方面实现传统德育的现代转型。  相似文献   
62.
2016年以来,因朝鲜第四次核试验及美韩宣布在韩国部署"萨德"反导系统,东北亚固有的安全困境更加突出,并引起相关国家及国际社会的进一步密切关注。就当前而论,东北亚安全困境具体表现为朝鲜在进行第四次核试验后,其核武器开发继续"跃马扬鞭";美韩以朝核威胁为由加强驻韩美军实力,包括不顾中俄强烈反对,决意在韩部署"萨德"反导系统;日本在进一步倚美的同时,趁势拉拢韩国,强化对华敌视政策,致使中日关系频现紧张;美国一方面以应对朝核威胁为由而加强其在东北亚的军事力量和"前沿部署",另一方面又极力拉紧美日韩同盟,其在东北亚遏制中俄的态势更趋明朗。东北亚安全局势持续紧张的深层次原因:一是由于东北亚国家间存在复杂的领土领海及历史纠葛,二是朝鲜半岛南北长期对立,三是日本在历史认知及其与东北亚邻国领土领海分歧等问题上长期采取顽固立场,四是美国搞"亚太再平衡",利用东北亚国家间的固有矛盾从中渔利,企图通过对华进行"局部遏制"而长期维持其在东北亚的同盟体系及霸权。未来东北亚安全困境是继续加深、激化还是逐步淡化,取决于上述深层次原因的演变方向。  相似文献   
63.
清朝末年,图们江对岸的大量朝鲜移民流入中国东部边境地区,对我国东北边疆形势产生重大影响。清政府为了应对越界跨国移民的局面,对东北边疆的封禁政策进行了调整,逐渐松弛了封禁政策,由被动封禁逐渐转向主动开放,并通过“通商局”、“越垦局”、“抚垦局”等边疆民治机关的设置,加强了对移民的管理,促进了东北地区特别是延边等东部边疆的开发。  相似文献   
64.
徐行 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(2):41-47
自中韩建交以来,大批韩国企业在津投资设厂对天津经济建设起到了推动作用,对韩国的经济发展也有促进作用。目前,韩资企业在津发展总体状态良好,但在经营中也遇到一些问题和困难。天津市各级政府要充分重视和尽快解决韩资企业存在的问题,为韩资企业创造一个良好的投资经营环境。从韩资企业角度看,如何发挥特长、增强竞争力,更好地利用天津的优势,加快自身的发展也是一个值得认真思考的问题。天津优越的地理位置和良好的工业基础对韩国企业界有很大的吸引力,而韩国企业家通过在天津的投资办厂和商贸活动也使自身大大获利。相信通过双方共同努力,一定会优势互补,共创双赢。  相似文献   
65.
朝鲜战争使毛泽东确立了联苏反美的外交战略,使毛泽东充分认识到了联合国的作用,认识到了世界上大多数弱小国家的作用,为其提出第三世界理论奠定了基础。朝鲜战争也使毛泽东对人的力量的认识达到了极至,反映在外交战略上,形成了他以人口大国立足世界和制衡美苏的战略思想。  相似文献   
66.
由于"9.11"事件的发生,美国的军事外交战略发生了的重大变化,而布什在今年1月29日发表的"国情咨文"中又公开点名朝鲜,伊拉克,伊朗为"邪恶轴心",从此朝鲜半岛的形势开始震荡起来.韩国政府和美国布什政府在朝鲜半岛问题上产生了裂痕.本文分析了金大中"阳光政策"遇到的困难和朝鲜半岛形势的症结所在以及可预见的前景.  相似文献   
67.
Abstract

Are organizational characteristics, such as agency type, size, and growth, linked to female representation in the Korean civil service? This study analyzes the aggregate data regarding the female workforce in the Korean civil service in 2001 through multiple regression analysis. Findings indicate that the Korean women are likely to be underrepresented in most national agencies and severely underrepresented at higher‐level grades. While the Korean women doubled in the civil service for the last two decades, employment of women at the highest grade levels did not improve significantly. Redistributive agencies are directly linked to female representation in the Korean civil service regardless of grade levels, whereas agency size and growth are not related to female employment representation. To achieve gender equality and to expand female senior executive feed levels, the Korean government has provided the quotas for successful female applicants in the civil service entrance examinations at the lowest through middle level grades since 1996. The use of quotas and policies for gender equality could lead to changes in the entire public workforce, particularly fair representation at higher‐level positions as well as the elimination of agency and occupational segregation.  相似文献   
68.
《二十世纪中国》2013,38(3):269-290
Abstract

In October 1950, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was only one year old, and the Beijing regime faced daunting tasks of regime consolidation and economic reconstruction. Thus, the CIA consistently predicted that China would not enter the Korean War, even if the United States crossed the 38th parallel. Acting on the CIA’s prediction, US forces invaded North Korea on October 8, 1950. China proved the CIA’s analysis wrong by sending masses of troops into Korea late in October, pushing the US force back south of the 38th parallel before the end of 1950. This article uncovers historical evidence to revise the existing literature on the topic of the Chinese intervention in Korea. Why did China intervene despite all the odds against Beijing? This study demonstrates the historical role of “agents,” that is, individual with various personal attributes. By using newly available sources from China and Russia as well as a new interpretation, this article breaks new ground on a significant topic in the fields of international relations and the Cold War international history.  相似文献   
69.
This paper inquires into aesthetics and politics in North Korean socialist realist painting by way of an examination of North Korean journalist Han Chol Ju's article series “Visit to Korean Art Gallery” and three paintings in Korea Today (2010–2011). The paper explains late North Korean leader Kim Jong Il's national-Stalinist conception of Juche socialist realism in On Fine Art (1991); considers one Korean painting (Chos?nhwa), two oil paintings (yuhwa), and one jewel painting (pos?khwa); and addresses approved ways of seeing in political-aesthetic experience and response in the North Korean situation.  相似文献   
70.
In this article, I attempt to construct a normative framework of Korean multiculturalism in the Confucian public-societal context of Korean democracy by focusing on the political implications of the claim to cultural rights (so-called ‘logic’ of multiculturalism) and cultural pluralism that it is likely to entail for Korean democracy. After examining the logic of multiculturalism that often puts multiculturalism in tension with liberal democracy, I turn to Will Kymlicka's account of immigrant multiculturalism that resolves the potential tension between multiculturalism and liberal democracy in a liberal way. Then, I construct a normative framework of Korean multiculturalism in a way that a decent multicultural society can be established on the same public-cultural ground on which Korean democracy has matured in the past two decades.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号