King Wenceslas’ relations with the Teutonic Order in light of the dispute over the Archbishopric of Riga (1392–1397)

King Wenceslas of the Romans (1378–1400) and of Bohemia (1378–1419) supported the Teutonic Knights, but his involvement in the Eastern Baltic region during the 1390s turned him into an enemy of the Knights. This paper argues that the change in Wenceslas’ policy was solely in the interests of his courtier Duke Swantibor of Pomerania-Stettin, who sought to establish his son as Archbishop of Riga. Wenceslas’ support for Swantibor owed to the traditions of courtly favor and instability in Bohemia, not out of any personal grudge against the Knights, as was claimed in earlier historiography.     

'alim families in seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century Algiers: Genealogy and heritage

This paper deals with the notions of link, genealogy, family, influence and notability in street life. Based upon a research in court records, it offers a questioning on family links, kinship and neighbourhood relationships. The circulation of goods, properties, symbols and effects, as seen for example in marriage contracts will be the object of a specific focus, mainly through the example of two families of Ulemas of the malekite rite in Algiers 17th and 18th centuries: the Al-Mandjilâtis and the Uqûdjils.     

Turkish nationalism at its beginning: Analysis of Türk Yurdu, 1913–1918

Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth century. Although its roots can be traced back to the Hamidian period (1876–1909), Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the most important political ideologies during the Constitutional Regime. Wars that the Ottoman State participated in from 1911 to the end of the empire in 1918 resulted in population and land losses. Especially, following the Balkan Wars, most of the lands that were populated by non-Muslim and non-Turkish subjects were lost. Within this context, Turkish nationalism came to be seen as the most dominant ideological tool intended to save the Empire. This article argues that Turkish nationalism emerged as a reactive ideology that addressed Ottomanism and Islamism, which were the two other dominant state ideologies during the late Ottoman State, due to the changing political context. In this article, Türk Yurdu, a well-known and influential periodical, is used as the primary source of reference to demonstrate the basic features of Turkish nationalism in its infancy.     

Tlatelolco's Persistent Legacy: A Comparative Analysis of Three Mexican Novels

This article analyses how three Mexican novels, published between 1971 and 1999, respond to the effects of political violence on national identity. It focuses particularly on fictional representations of state-sponsored, politically motivated murder and on how survivors negotiate a social space forever changed by unsolved crimes. The article concludes that an important consequence of political violence is that it undermines the validity of systems of representation that once seemed capable of portraying the national community. Each of the three novels interpreted here adopts a different stance regarding literary language's relationship to its ever-changing sociopolitical contexts.     

美国的帝国战略与伊拉克战争

美国是在特定的国际背景下发动伊拉克战争的。而新兴工业革命时代的到来及美国将高新技术产业化 ,进一步增强了其超级大国的经济与军事的实力地位。美国对伊动武 ,是实现其构建帝国战略目标的重要步骤 ;具体到伊拉克 ,则旨在那里用枪杆子输出美式民主制度 ,争夺石油仅为其次要目的。美国发动伊拉克战争 ,将严重动摇联合国的地位 ,已经并有可能进一步在联合国内形成欧洲大陆轴心和大洋轴心之争     

War,crime, empire and cosmopolitanism

The millions of deaths produced by states and governments make the 20th century ‘unnameable’, a century far more lethal than all previous ‘pre-civil’ epochs. It does not appear that contemporary state violence tends to decline or to temper the brutality commonly attributed to archaic armies, nor that the rules and limitations internationally imposed on that violence, throughout the last decades, have reduced its effects. The 20th century having gone, and while hope was growing that mass murder and destruction would also go with it, recent events appear to suggest that the twenty-first century is poised to become unnameable in its turn. In this paper a reflection is presented of the notion of war as annihilation, which emerges in contemporary international conflicts. This is followed by a review of the debate on the relationship between war, empire and crime. As a logical extension of the argument developed, war is described as a particularly devastating form of crime of the powerful. Finally, reflecting on the concept of ‘cosmopolitanism’, the discussion suggests that such a concept may offer legitimacy to those who invest their enthusiasm in supporting contemporary wars as well as to those who fight against them. The latter may find inspiration in the idea of a ‘critical’ cosmopolitanism.     

The Social Function of Carlos Fuentes: A Critical Intellectual or in the ‘Shadow of the State’?

This article seeks to raise meaningful questions about the role, or wider social function, of the intellectual within state–civil society relations in Latin America characterised by conditions of socio–economic modernisation. It does so by pursuing such questions through a detailed examination of the social function of Carlos Fuentes as an intellectual in Mexico. Through a focus on the social function of Carlos Fuentes, it is possible to distinguish the role intellectual activity can play in the construction and contestation of hegemony in Mexico. Most crucially, the article prompts consideration of the social basis of hegemony and the agency of intellectuals organically tied to particular social forces functioning through state–civil society relations in the struggle over hegemony. Put differently, it is possible to grant due regard to the mixture of critical opposition and accommodation that has often confronted the intellectual within Latin America.     

是历史进步还是社会倒退--论维克多·雨果对法兰西第二帝国的批判

雨果站在民主主义的立场上反对拿破仑三世的专制,同时用民主共和的理念谴责他恢复帝制,这本无可非议。但是从史学的角度看,雨果在评价路易·波拿巴政变和第二帝国建立等问题时,忽视了这些历史事件对于资本主义发展所起的积极作用,显示出其明显的历史局限性。     

Discriminant function analysis for sex assessment in pelvic girdle bones: sample from the contemporary Mexican population

Sex assessment of skeletal remains plays an important role in forensic anthropology. The pelvic bones are the most studied part of the postcranial skeleton for the assessment of sex. It is evident that a population-specific approach improves rates of accuracy within the group. The present study proposes a discriminant function method for the sex assessment of skeletal remains from a contemporary Mexican population. A total of 146 adult human pelvic bones (61 females and 85 males) from the skeletal series pertaining to the National Autonomous University of Mexico were evaluated. Twenty-four direct metrical parameters of coxal and sacral bones were measured and subsequently, sides and sex differences were evaluated, applying a stepwise discriminant function analysis. Coxal and sacra functions achieved accuracies of 99% and 87%, respectively. These analyses follow a population-specific approach; nevertheless, we consider that our results are applicable to any other Hispanic samples for purposes of forensic human identification.     

古代中国人民权益损害的国家救济途径及其精神

在古代中国,国家通过法制和惯例为人民提供了"鸣冤叫屈"、"哭诉"、"陈情"、"请愿"的一系列途径或方式,以满足人民在受到损害时的救济需求,保护人民的各种正当权益,防止官吏豪强过分危害人民。这些法制和惯例,虽然不具有现代"民权救济"的理念和内涵,但有着"为民做主"的基本追求。本着这样的追求,古代中国政治中长期形成的人民权益救济渠道主要有按照国家行政层级逐级申控的救济途径、通过巡回监察机构接受申控的救济途径、告御状与君王直接干预的救济途径、特许"越诉"的非常救济途径等四类情形。这些途径归根结底是一种以"哭诉"寻求"青天"庇护为灵魂的垂直、单轨、纵向的救济途径,而不是横向平行分权制衡的救济途径。