战后缅甸脱离英联邦原因探析

1948年1月4日,缅甸脱离英联邦独立,开英殖民地摆脱英联邦独立之先河,但是,缅甸民族主义独立并不象历史学家所分析的那样,是缅甸民族主义者在战前就已明确提出的奋斗目标.事实上,战后初期缅甸民族主义者的独立观念是模糊不清的,对独立方式也是不明确的,只是希望英国给予缅甸类似印度的"独立"模式.英国政府一意孤行,坚持战时制定的对缅白皮书,此事激怒了缅甸的民族主义者,成为缅甸走上脱离英联邦独立的主要原因.     

‘We’, ‘they’ and the ‘human’ in the middle: foreign interventions for ‘humanitarian reasons’ during the nineteenth century in Turkish historiography

This paper explores the way in which historiography produced in Turkey (or by Turkish scholars abroad) approaches foreign military/diplomatic interventions in the Ottoman Empire during the long nineteenth century. It focuses on three case studies where ‘humanitarian reasons’ formed the discursive basis/justification of such interventions. The author argues that when the distinction between victims and perpetrators, civilians and combatants, emerges as an interpretive dilemma in the debates of the historical period examined, similar interpretive and normative challenges are inherited by the historiographical accounts of it. The paper distinguishes two contrasting ways in which Turkish historiographical scholarship responds to such a dilemma. The first remains confined by the way Ottomans themselves viewed the world around them and uncritically reproduces rigid categories of selfhood and otherhood between ‘us’ and ‘them’. The second trajectory offers tools for understanding the conflicts behind the construction of the category of the human worth of international protection, and disentangles itself from the normative bind described above.     

The Commonwealth in the 21st Century

The Commonwealth in the Twenty-First Century finds itself in a difficult predicament. Neither in the 'Global North' nor the post-colonial 'South' do its stakeholders invest in the organisation as a key instrument for international governance. The space which it once occupied as a mediator between rich and poor nations has either closed or been taken over by other entities. But might the Commonwealth find a new role for itself by returning to its roots as a vehicle for the exploration of the commonweal, in particular as a focus of contemporary attempts to democratize the international system? The story of the Commonwealth itself, from its origins as project for a racial imperial oligarchy in the nineteenth century to struggles for its renegotiation as a space of equality, first of 'white dominions' with Britain, and second in the era of Decolonization, is a parable of how rights and participation can be widened. Might the Commonwealth in the Twenty-First century not drive new global conversations about inequality, social and economic rights, and different cosmopolitan futures?     

Planteamiento teórico y evidencia del desplazamiento gradual del Estado autoritario al Estado pragmático en México: la transformación de las élites

Analyses of political change in Mexico since the government shift achieved in July 2000 have been undertaken with a focus on the democratic political transition that led to the so-called alternation, that is, from the stance of a classical approach about State transformations that led from an authoritarian stage to democratization. Analytical approaches in Mexico concerning political change are focused on the undeniable democratic practice at the ballot boxes; however, the outcomes' transparency, the adoption of a new regime, and the procedural condition of the young Mexican democracy make it appropriate to consider this shift from the realist view of the exercise of power and major mechanisms for the establishment of élites' political-governmental decisions. Thus, pragmatism is put forward as an alternative political approach. This article intends to establish that political change in Mexico has gradually changed from its past condition as an authoritarian State to become a pragmatic State, favored by the advent of governmental technocracy, globalization, the market, the us hegemonic ideology, and the obvious involvement of corporate elites contained in State power institutions.     

Power tug of war: hegemonic and posthegemonic text control in Gustavo Sainz's Obsesivos días circulares (1969)

This article examines the novel Obsesivos días circulares (1969) by Gustavo Sainz from the point of view of the narrator's and characters' attempts to control the text. It analyses the distribution of influence on the text between the first-person narrator (Terencio) and one of the key characters (Leticia), and the changing locus of text control in the narrative line that includes Leticia. First, I examine Terencio's letters to Leticia and determine whether the text construct Leticia is created and manipulated through them. Secondly, I concentrate upon a section of Chapter 3 which appears to be a non-sequitur in the context of the narrative as a whole; it contains a vignette of a party where an apparently enigmatic exchange takes place between Terencio and Leticia. Finally, the article will address the changes in the narrator's character as a result of this encounter and the subsequent shift and split of the locus of text control between the narrator and one of the characters. Since the article explores various means of the distribution of text control, the theoretical foundation used here will include hegemonic masculinity and the relationship between hegemony and posthegemony in the context of text control.     

辽帝国的国家安全思想研究

9世纪末10世纪初，契丹族建立了中国历史上横跨东北亚和内陆亚洲的庞大帝国——辽帝国。作为由游牧民族建立起的多民族中央集权制国家，辽帝国探索出了一套以“因俗而治”和“一国二元”体制为制度框架的国家政治和以农耕与游牧并重的国家安全思想。为了构建以辽帝国为中心的世界秩序，辽帝国实行和战并用，以儒家德治思想为对外安全的指导思想，构建多层次的羁縻、封贡、宗藩体系以拱卫辽帝国的安全发展，不仅确立了对宋朝的外交优势，且先后使东亚的高丽和西夏以及内陆亚洲的高昌回鹘、喀拉汗王朝、花剌子模等向其朝贡，建立以辽帝国为中心的宗藩体系。故辽之所以“雄长二百年”，皆因虽尚武，但注重儒家德治教化，处“四战之地”而能应对得宜。为了维护西北边疆安全和保障从内陆亚洲到东亚丝绸之路的畅通，辽帝国对漠北蒙古高原进行军事征伐，征抚并用，在镇州设立西北路招讨司，设立一系列边防城池，以建立边疆安全的防御体系，并采用屯田和移民实边等方式展开对漠北蒙古和西北边疆的经略，从而建立了西北边疆安全防御体系，保障了从漠北蒙古到西域乃至欧洲的草原丝绸之路的畅通。     

From salary to resistance: mobility,employment, and violence in Dibra, 1792–1826

ABSTRACT

This article traces the military employment patterns of the highlanders of Dibra in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It addresses how the Albanian highlanders found different opportunities for military employment in a period largely associated with political instability. The Albanians as ‘mountain bandits’ have been regarded as the primary culprit of the violence that ravaged the Balkans. The same bandits, this article shows, constituted at the same time the irregular forces the Ottoman army came to rely on in the late eighteenth century. By demonstrating different prospects of employment with which the Albanian irregulars were preoccupied, it provides a broader perspective to observe the turmoil the Balkans underwent in a period of political instability. This article also deals with the intricate interplay between the Albanian irregulars and the Ottoman military administration. It reinserts the Albanian bandits-cum-irregulars into the background of the military reforms. Showing how different prospects for military employment that ranged from freelance plunder to service either for the imperial army or the retinue of the rogue Albanian pashas came to clash with the discourse of military reforms, this article also traces the increasing tension between the Albanian irregulars and the modernising Ottoman army.     

韩国报刊媒体对清末新政的观察与反应——以《皇城新闻》与《大韩每日申报》为例

在近代东亚政局变动的过程中,清末新政始终是韩国报刊媒体关注的重要对象。《皇城新闻》与《大韩每日申报》有大量的相关报道,并时常发表颇有针对性的评论文字。这些报道与评论,具体涉及清末新政不断展开的各个方面及其整个过程,虽然难免偏差之处,但尚不难看出清末新政的整体概貌。通观《皇城新闻》与《大韩每日申报》对清末新政的报道与评论,可见在大韩帝国时期,韩国报刊媒体对中国的认识尚不失客观、理性和正面评价。韩国报刊媒体既有对清朝政治腐败的批判,更有对清朝命运与前途的同情与期望。韩国报刊媒体关注清末新政,在某种意义上可以说,其主要目的是在于对韩国自身的反省。这种反省,既看到了韩国政府与社会的种种问题,也试图为解决这些问题借鉴一些域外的经验与教训,同时还对韩国的振兴充满着期待与希望。虽然这些并没有从根本上改变韩国被日本并吞的命运,但在一定程度上为近代韩国的启蒙思想提供了精神养料,并带来了一定的信心与希望。     

Champions of the poor or “militant fighters for a better pay cheque”? Teacher unionism in Mexico and South Africa, 1979–2013

There are some fascinating historical parallels between Mexico’s giant teacher union, the Mexican National Education Union, and the South African Democratic Teachers Union. Although both teacher unions played an important role in challenging political oligarchies at certain points in their history, they became increasingly protectionist. Through their close affiliation to ruling parties, they were able to wield substantial political influence. In both of these cases, the unions played a controversial role in preventing central government surveillance and intervention in schools. Arguably, this often allowed not only for corruption in appointments and promotions, but also the protection of negligent teachers. There is some evidence to suggest that in protecting their sectional interests, both unions have frequently alienated parents and students at the community level. This paper addresses broader debates about the impact of powerful teacher unions on the quality of public schooling.