文以载吾道:唐文标的“寻根”与伦理重建

本文通过梳理唐文标在20世纪60至80年代的思想路径,试图揭开唐文标在两岸文学、文化史上被遮蔽的先锋作用。从1960年代的“寻根”“回归现实”,到1970年代的“文以载道”“重建桃花源”,再到1980年代的“集体救赎”“伦理重建”,唐文标始终是台湾文学与现代文化敏锐的研究者和坚定的实践者。通过重新认识唐文标,我们得以重估保钓的精神遗产,重新认识台湾现代文学和文化史中走过的歧路和迄今悬而未决的问题。唐文标晚年从台湾民变史和中国戏剧史中看到建立适应时代的伦理秩序和文化制度的重要性和迫切性,实际是尝试从中华文明史的角度提出人的困境的解方。他一生的创作,正是实践自己“道”的写照。     

Blessed be Discord, 1910: Ricardo Flores Magón's Manifesto Mode

This article explores how Ricardo Flores Magón used images to transpose the graphic tradition of nineteenth-century Mexican political journalism into prose by deploying montage to craft both allegorical and prismatic images: while certain images are divorced from their original context and take on a new life, others, analogically related to a single idea, appear prismatically in fragments on the page. The affinities Flores Magón's writing shared with modernismo and the historical avant garde – as intensification of the former and precursor of the latter – have been a blind spot for literary history, to which this article attempts to restore the importance of his writing.     

Federal Political Fragmentation in Mexico's 2015 Elections

The 2015 congressional, gubernatorial and mayoral elections in Mexico display the continuation of political changes that started 15 years ago. The most notorious change in 2015 is the electoral success of non-mainstream parties, which have increased their vote share vis-à-vis the mainstream parties, the Party of National Action (PAN), the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI), and the Party of Democratic Revolution (PRD). These mainstream parties lost important vote shares, although the PRI has shown itself to be more resilient to electoral volatility than the other parties. The increase of volatility in Mexico favours the alternation of the parties in power; however, it also increases political fragmentation. This article argues that in a context of growing electoral volatility and political fragmentation, presidential authority is weakened, giving rise to the dispersion of power to other levels of government. Furthermore, the article suggests that party volatility presents important territorial variation in Mexico.     

The Literary Journalism of Guadalupe Loaeza and Cristina Pacheco

Abstract — This article examines the writings of the Mexican literary journalists, Guadalupe Loaeza and Cristina Pacheco. It traces the political agendas of the writers through an analysis of their work in two collected volumes, Las niñas bien (Loaeza) and Sopita de fideo (Pacheco). The paper argues that while each author focuses on opposite ends of the social scale, each piece of writing contains an implicit or explicit attack on the Mexican ruling classes which mismanage the economy, squander its wealth and condemn the majority to economic misery.     

五四青年教育探析——新文化运动倡导者的青年教育特点

在五四爱国运动中发挥了重要作用的五四青年的成长,离不开新文化运动倡导者的教育培养。新文化运动倡导者在五四青年教育实践中,体现出:充分信任青年,寄希望于青年,重视实现青年价值;以平等对话的方式,导引知识,启发青年思考,帮助青年认识真理、发现真理,重视唤起青年自觉;鼓励青年积极作为,热情支持青年行动,身先士卒,重视引领青年践行等三个方面的特点。     

Coming to Terms with Separatist Insurgencies

Although insurgencies may begin their rebellions with expressed desires for outcomes unacceptable to opposing governments, the desired insurgent outcomes sometimes undergo modification, creating conditions that can make governments more amenable to external mediation. In certain separatist conflicts, the likelihood of external mediation increases when the political redefinition of the state insisted upon by the insurgents undergoes a revision, from secession to self‐determination, understood as a variant of autonomy. In the same vein, although it may not happen concurrently, insurgent movements become more amenable to external mediation if and when opposing governments revise the preferred conflict outcome from a military defeat of the insurgents to a containment of the movement. These two developments can serve as objective referents helping external parties to identify a ripe moment in the conflict and initiate mediation. But the implementation of an agreement ending separatist conflict may not occur if the government fails to submit the proposed territorial bounds of autonomy to prior review by constituents. Potential spoilers among government constituents should be identified and recruited to participate in the negotiations so that the likelihood of agreement rejection is reduced. In some states, however, the legal mechanisms and political opportunities for constituents to act as spoilers do not exist.     

Understanding the political goals of non-binding resolutions: evidence from the Mexican Chamber of Deputies

By primarily focusing on bill initiatives, the literature on legislatures and parliaments has understudied other important legislative instruments -such as non-binding resolutions, minutes or speeches- which might help parties and legislators achieve their electoral and policy goals. Non-binding resolutions (NBRs) do not carry the force of law and are primarily used for parties or legislators’ position taking and the request of government actions. This article examines the political goals of NBRs by examining these tools in the lower chamber of the Mexican Congress. Employing a novel dataset, we claim that legislators strategically utilise NBRs to strengthen their relationship with their political principals. We find differences on the use of these instruments across political parties, based on the types of policy areas they choose to target. The analysis also indicates that SMD legislators tend to introduce more particularistic NBRs that might further their political careers at the subnational level.     

Los Congresos Estatales y la Política Federal en México: state legislatures and federal policymaking in Mexico

The Mexican Constitution, in the Poder Legislativo, grants state legislatures the authority to introduce legislation (iniciativas de ley) in the federal congress. In this paper the authors examine this powerful mechanism through which the Mexican state legislatures can directly influence policymaking at the federal level. Using a new data set of state-led initiatives, this work: describes the frequency with which iniciativas are introduced; describes the substance, timing, and final disposition of these state-led initiatives; and explains which factors affect the probability of presenting a state-led initiative. The authors find that party competition and partisan divisions at the state and federal levels play a significant role in the use of iniciativas de los congresos estatales. The authors’ study of this peculiar authority granted to the Mexican states contributes to the rich discussion of the changing role of the states in the era of Mexico’s nuevo federalismo.     

从白小保校运动看马来西亚华人的政治参与形态

马来西亚华人有着积极的政治参与的传统,近些年来更是利用各种途径来最大限度地表达与维护其利益.2001年来持续四年的白小保校运动主要通过政治选举、政治结社、政治表达、政治接触等方式来维护子女接受母语教育、文化传承的权利.这一典型事例体现了马来西亚华人政治参与的基本模式.     

新文化运动中对贞节观的理论批判

古老的贞节观念影响、控制中国女性几千年,甚至深入到社会的各个角落.它不仅仅是一种社会意识,更形成了评价女性的价值尺度、道德体系中最基本的内容.新文化运动以其巨大的冲击力摧枯拉朽地破坏着传统旧中国的封建传统,其中就包括清算古老贞节观念的内容.先觉者们办刊物,发文章,打破了性禁忌的坚冰,从理论上批判贞节观的腐朽,并大力提倡新的婚姻道德和性道德,使这笼罩在中国女性身上的巨大黑影终于开始慢慢消褪,不再面目沉重狰狞.当然,要彻底解决此问题毕竟还需假以时日,不能企望毕其功于一役,但新文化运动对贞节观念的祛魅之功是怎样估量都不过分的.