长爪沙鼠颌下腺免疫球蛋白A的定位分布

采用免疫组织化学方法对不同日龄的长爪沙鼠颌下腺IgA的定位分布进行了研究。结果表明,长爪沙鼠的颌下腺由导管部和分泌部构成,分泌部主要由浆液腺构成,导管部包括闰管、纹管、颗粒曲管和小叶间导管等。DAB显色结果表明,IgA阳性细胞主要分布于浆液性腺泡、闰管、纹管、颗粒曲管和小叶间导管,并可分布于腺泡和腺管间结缔组织,IgA阳性产物的分布具有不均一性,无明显随年龄变化的规律性。阳性产物分布于胞质中,胞核呈阴性,对照组阴性。提示从浆细胞产生或循环而来的IgA先经结缔组织进入颌下腺组织,进而定位分布于浆液腺泡和各级导管,导管部有较多的IgA分布。     

内蒙古突发公共事件应急管理现状及问题分析

内蒙古属我国内陆边疆少数民族地区,生态环境脆弱,自然灾害发生频繁。由于当地特有的政治、经济、人文环境因素,使内蒙古成为我国突发公共事件集中爆发的地区之一。思想认识不足、预案不系统、人才缺少等方面是爆发公共事件的主要原因。完善内蒙古突发公共事件应急管理体系应从强化应急教育与培训,组织和调动社会各方面力量参与应急管理等方面加强建设。     

内蒙古青年对国家认同状况的分析

国家认同程度影响着公民在个人、群体与国家关系上的态度和行为。对内蒙古青年国家认同状况的统计调查数据显示,内蒙古青年在国家历史文化的自豪感与民族认同感、国家发展前景的预期和国家与社会责任的价值判断三个维度的测量值较高,这是保持和强化国家认同的重要基础;而在生活状况和社会保障水平的评价、国家民主法制状况的评价和国家社会管理状况的评价三个维度的测量值相对偏低,这将会对国家认同产生一定的削弱作用。     

From domestic to international: the politics of ethnic identity in Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia

This paper examines two contrasting cases of ethnic-group political activism in China – the Uighurs in Xinjiang and the Mongols in Inner Mongolia – to explain the former's political activism and the latter's lack thereof. Given similar challenges and pressures, how can we explain the divergent patterns in these two groups' political behavior? This paper forwards the argument that domestic factors alone are not sufficient to account for differences in the groups' political behavior. Instead, international factors have to be included to offer a fuller and satisfactory explanation. The paper illustrates how three types of international factors – big power support, external cultural ties, and Uighur diaspora community activism – have provided opportunities and resources to make the Uighur political activism sustainable. In Inner Mongolia, its quest for self-determination reached the highest fervor in the early half of the twentieth century, particularly with the support of imperial Japan. However, since the end of WWII, Inner Mongolia has not received any consistent international support and, as a result, has been more substantially incorporated into China's geopolitical body.     

Sino-Mongolian relations and Mongolia's non-traditional security

The following article examines the effect China has on Mongolia's non-traditional security. Using the Copenhagen School's approach to non-traditional security, the article argues that Mongolia's economic dependence on China coupled with weak political security have allowed China to develop structural power over Mongolia's domestic institutions. This structural power also negatively affects Mongolia's societal and environmental security. Chinese structural power, therefore, has a net negative effect on Mongolia's domestic non-traditional security, despite Chinese policies that seek to maintain good relations with Mongolia. This suggests that China is not in complete control of its relations with Mongolia and that its use of economic ties to drive relations with Mongolia contains elements that ultimately undermine its position and Mongolia's security.     

新世纪俄蒙关系与东北亚区域合作

俄罗斯和蒙古国双边关系的真正改善是在普京当选俄罗斯总统之后。普京总统意识到蒙古国战略地位是俄罗斯远东战略不可或缺的重要因素后开始加强与蒙古国的关系。梅德韦杰夫进一步升级两国关系。俄罗斯和蒙古国良好关系的现状和优势有助于东北亚在各领域的合作。     

蒙古统治时期俄罗斯文化的特征

蒙古统治时期的俄罗斯文化,既有外敌入侵带来的枯萎和凋零,也有其独具魅力的时代特征。这具体表现在五个方面:爱国主义是文学创作的主旋律;民族觉悟和国家意识日益强烈,联合的倾向不断地深入文化生活的各个方面,罗斯文化愈来愈具有全俄性质;异端思想日益传播;关注人性,诠释文化的人文精神;蒙古文化与俄罗斯文化的不相融性。     

Working together: local and global imperatives for women in Mongolia

Mongolia is a country in transition. Domestic violence has just begun to reach the public and political agenda, due in large part to the activism and lobbying of women’s groups within Mongolia. State attention to domestic violence accords with Mongolia’s declared democratic and human rights agendas which are driven by political and economic shifts within society, the influence of trans-national feminism and the activities of two of the most influential non-governmental organisations (NGOs), each of which focus on violence against women. Local, feminist campaigning intersects with the global imperatives of treaty obligations and has resulted in the introduction of new legislation on domestic violence in 2004. Since then it has become apparent that there is a gap between the rhetoric of the law the reality of implementation. Women’s groups are battling this lack of political will to effectively implement changes.

The rebirth of Chinggis Khaan: state appropriation of Chinggis Khaan in post-socialist Mongolia

A massive monument of Chinggis Khaan (Chinggis Khaan’s name is spelt differently depending on the language in which it was written and on conventions of transliteration. Among the most common are Chinggis, Genghis, Genghiz, or Jengiz. For the purpose of the paper, the Mongolian transliteration is used.) imposingly gazes down from the government palace in Ulaanbaatar, the capital city of Mongolia. The monument was erected in 2006 in commemoration of the 800-year anniversary of the establishment of “the Great Mongolian State.” Occupying arguably the most prominent national space, the monument serves as an arresting emblem of the state. With its silent yet triumphant symbolization, the monument articulates the state’s new ideology in the post-Soviet era. The monument is one of countless symbolic and material grand-scale state expressions appropriating Chinggis Khaan. In this article, I examine the state’s appropriation of Chinggis Khaan as the marker of Mongolian post-socialist national identity. In doing so, I critically examine how the state appropriates history, remembering and forgetting certain parts, to cultivate a shared sense of belonging and pride. Unifying the public in shared glorification and celebration of Chinggis Khaan ultimately serves to instill devotion to the national political and ideological project.