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101.
Differences between traditional Muslim marriage practice and the statutory formalities required for entry into a legally recognised marriage in England and Wales have resulted in serious question-marks hanging over the legal status of a seemingly significant proportion of Muslim marriages. This article places the spotlight on the vulnerability of spouses who remain unaware of the lack of legal status which may attach to their marriage or who may have been misled by their spouse as to the latter’s intention to obtain legal recognition for the marriage. The article first considers the statutory formalities required under English law for entry into a legally recognised marriage before drawing on the most up-to-date empirical research to highlight the apparently widespread non-compliance with the formalities within the Muslim community. The article then reflects on the various practical implications which may arise for parties to an unrecognised Muslim marriage before considering how the situation may be ameliorated.  相似文献   
102.
农村妇女自杀问题已成为我国当前一个日益凸显的社会问题。家庭暴力、传统文化的落后思想、经济能力不足等是导致农村妇女自杀率高的主要原因。为解决农村妇女自杀问题,必须采取加大教育普及力、提高执法力和加强对农村妇女的心理援助等重要防治举措。  相似文献   
103.
通过对正在监狱服刑的受虐杀夫女犯的问卷调查和访谈等研究.分析总结出她们杀害被害人的原因包括经常遭受被害人的家庭暴力、受虐之后得不到亲人和社会组织的有效支持等外部原因;以及文化水平较低、对家庭暴力的错误认知和不稳定情绪、法制观念淡漠等受虐杀夫妇女自身的原因。  相似文献   
104.
The X-chromosome short tandem repeat (STR) markers have been described as very adequate tools for solving deficiency paternity cases and kinship tests when women are involved. In the absence of the alleged father, presumed paternal relationship can be more efficiently investigated by using a set of six to ten X-STR markers compared to fifteen autosomal STR. For this study, we compared the usefulness of a X-STR hexaplex developed in our laboratory (DXS7133, DXS7424, DXS8378, DXS6807, DXS7423 and DXS8377) and the commercial kit Identifiler in solving deficiency paternities. We have worked on distinct groups of caseworks involving daughters, their mothers and presumed paternal grandmothers or putative half sisters and their respective mothers. The PCR products were separated by capillary electrophoresis and detected in an ABI Prism 3100. In the majority of the caseworks (>90%), the likelihood ratio (LR) obtained by using the X-STR hexaplex was higher than the LR value observed when the Identifiler kit was used for genotyping. The combination of the two STR typing systems was able to solve all the cases.  相似文献   
105.
In recent decades, the number of women under criminal justice supervision has increased considerably, many of whom are serving time for drug offenses. Furthermore, women in prison are more likely than their non-institutionalized counterparts to suffer from a substance abuse disorder. While there is a growing body of research concerning women offenders’ drug abuse and treatment needs, few studies have examined the substance abuse treatment outcomes of women in the criminal justice system. Using data from Outcome Evaluation of the Forever Free Substance Abuse Treatment Program, this study compared women’s self-reported drug use twelve months after participation in high-intensity (n = 101) and low-intensity (n = 81) prison-based substance abuse treatment programming (N = 182). Women who perceived high levels of emotional social support were less likely to report substance use at 12-month follow-up. Furthermore, perceptions of emotional social support and treatment intensity interacted in their association with relapse, such that the protective effect of social support was strongest for women who participated in high-intensity programming. The results of the analyses highlight the importance of perceived social support for women with substance abuse disorders who are transitioning from prison-based substance abuse treatment programming to the community.  相似文献   
106.
Research on predictors of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) in Sub-Saharan Africa is contradictory, necessitating further investigation. This study sought the prevalence and predictors of IPV among women in Lagos, Nigeria. Questionnaire data from 934 women visiting an obstetrics and gynecology clinic in Lagos were analyzed using multivariable methods. The 1 year prevalence of IPV was 29%, with significant proportions reporting psychological (23%), physical (9%) and sexual (8%) abuse. In-access to information, women’s autonomy and contribution to household expenses independently predicted IPV. The findings provide new incites for IPV prevention in Lagos with implications for further research.  相似文献   
107.
ABSTRACT

This article describes an emerging research agenda for defining the relationship between women, sport and alcohol as a feminist issue. Characterised as a “holy trinity”, the relationship between sport, drinking, particularly heavy drinking, and masculinity remains a popular orthodoxy. While not disputing the enduring and influential symbolic, economic, political and cultural power relations between men, sport and alcohol, the article argues that our proclivity towards framing drinking and sport through the lens of “hegemonic masculinity” gives rise to a theoretical and empirical silence when it comes to research on women, sport and alcohol in the Australian context and beyond. We interrogate four key interrelated research problems for feminist scholars of sport: i) the framing of sport-related drinking as hegemonic masculinity; ii) the need for new theoretical/conceptual/analytical frameworks that have emerged from the framing of women’s relationship to alcohol as invariably problematic; iii) a recognition that sport-related drinking for women is as pleasurable and problematic as it is for men; and iv) the relationship between sport and alcohol relative to a growing emphasis on cultural and gender diversity in Australian sport.  相似文献   
108.
目前,我国已经开始了社区矫正的试点工作,但对社区矫正的具体对象没有明确的规定。女性作为弱势群体中的一部分,犯罪后将面临身份和性别的双重歧视,不利于其顺利回归社会。将符合条件的女性罪犯纳入社区矫正范围,不但可以保证社区矫正工作的有效开展,同时也可以达到有效保障妇女合法权益的目的。  相似文献   
109.
This paper provides a historical overview of the emerging post-Islamist phenomenon in the Muslim world and discusses the scope for sustainable democratic politics in Bangladesh. In the process, a model is proposed that purports to exhibit a level of compatibility with the perceived political landscape in Bangladesh. The model adopts a version of the Hotelling–Downs principle of democracy and sets it within the ‘post-Islamist’ paradigm in such a way that, if it can be implemented, even if only partially, may lead to the sustained political stability of Bangladesh. The paper highlights illiberal and undemocratic practices of the two dominant Bangladeshi political parties as a major feature of the present status quo. These practices dominate Bangladeshi politics through the continuous attempts of their exponents to impose monopolistic views on the various symbols of national identity, despite the multi-racial, multi-religious nature of Bangladesh society. The paper concludes that a democratic system of politics, which accommodates aspects of secularism, language, Muslim identity and post-Islamist ‘Islamic ethical–moral–legal codes’, remains the feasible political discourse for forming and consolidating the country’s multi-racial, multi-religious national identity over the long run and its survival as a sovereign state.  相似文献   
110.
Building on two recent case studies of public debates concerning political meetings arranged by or involving controversial Muslim actors in Denmark, this article argues that an observed mainstreaming of intolerant discourses, most forcefully expressed by the Danish People's Party, can be explained by the proliferation of a new form of “liberal intolerance” that has transformed old racist or nationalist intolerance into a discourse stressing liberal reasons (autonomy, gender equality, social cohesion, public-private divide, security risks) for not tolerating particular Muslim practices. By comparing the two cases, the different toleration/intoleration positions and arguments in the two debates are brought out, and four different modalities of “liberal intolerance” are identified. Further, the article shows how the spread of liberal intolerance discourses across the political spectrum in Denmark has significantly affected Danish (liberal) Muslim actors’ possibilities of political participation and room for maneuvering.  相似文献   
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