宁夏清真产业发展现状与对策研究

近年来,宁夏的清真产业呈现出了良好的快速发展势头。但是,若将此产业放在国家级战略的重点产业和宁夏沿黄经济区支柱产业的视角来看,其发展规模、层次及后劲仍存在着诸多有待解决的难点问题,应从宏观、中观、微观等方面采取相应的对策统筹解决。     

Can twitter change the Iranian legal landscape for women?

ABSTRACT

This article explores the effectiveness of international social media (Twitter) campaigns, as a modern form of transnational advocacy networks, seeking domestic legal change in Iran for women’s rights. Using the spiral model of human rights change and second wave normative theories, the article critiques current thought on social media as an advocacy tool using evidence from two Iranian campaigns. Gathering empirical data from the #stopstoning and #letwomengotostadium campaigns, the research finds that Twitter campaigns may be linked to regression in some areas of women’s rights. Early evidence indicates that social media may lead to amplified government backlash, lack of campaign persistence and foreign overshadowing of domestic voices, which all contribute to the ongoing problematisation of the role of transnational advocacy networks in domestic human rights change.     

浅议魏晋南北朝时期女性出家之现象

佛教自西汉末传入中国,在魏晋南北朝时期已出现兴盛的局面。女性出家在此时期遂成为普遍的社会现象,这是苦难的社会现实使然,又决定于妇女这一社会群体的生活特点,同时又有相应的社会风尚的因素在内。反过来,妇女出家的普遍对社会经济、社会生活又有着一定的影响,是认识这一时期历史变迁的重要方面。     

非婚同居中女性合法权益的保护

长期以来 ,人们不加区别的视各种非婚同居为非法 ,道德上加以歧视 ,法律上不予保护 ,非婚同居的成本大多由女性独自承担 ,其结果不但不能有效的减少非婚同居 ,反而使女性的权益遭受日益严重的侵犯。本文所做的就是力图在区分侵犯第三人利益的非婚同居和单纯的非婚同居的基础上 ,结合婚姻法、民法的有关规定 ,对非婚同居中的女性合法权益的保护问题予以探讨。     

劳务市场拐卖妇女犯罪预防机制研究

对四川省劳务市场拐卖妇女犯罪现象进行实证调查,“王某、周某劳务市场被拐案”表明,求职妇女、中介人、市场的管理者和用人单位四类人员在劳务市场拐卖犯罪及其预防中的地位和作用不同。非法职介的大量存在是诱发劳务市场拐卖妇女犯罪的主要根源。其产生有立法、执法等各方面原因。要有效地预防劳务市场拐卖犯罪,必须制定有针对性的宏观策略和配套措施。     

班昭《女诫》的教育思想探析

文章以汉代历史文化为背景,依据班昭的人生经历、家学承传和文本内容,论证《女诫》的女性教育思想,即是劣势中女性生存智慧的教育,及两性平等教育的理念。同时也论证了《女诫》在汉代群体自觉意识向个体自觉意识转变过程中的重大贡献。     

The Malay Community: Voting Trends and Issues

Abstract

This article attempts to analyse the reasons for the Malay community’s seeming support for the People’s Action Party (PAP) government in Singapore, in spite of online discontent that was expressed towards the party immediately prior to the elections. The article makes three main arguments: first, that the reasons explaining the community’s support for PAP are similar to other Singaporeans, such as the death of founding leader Lee Kuan Yew and the risk-averse nature of the electorate; second, that institutional impediments exist with regard to the community that heavily favour the government; and third, that the main opposition party, the Workers’ Party, has not been able to present itself as a viable alternative to PAP for the community in terms of either quality of candidates or ideas for governance.     

The manufacturing of Islamic lifestyles in Tajikistan through the prism of Dushanbe's bazaars

ABSTRACT

This article traces the multiple ways of ‘manufacturing’ Islamic lifestyles in the urban environment of Tajikistan's capital city, Dushanbe. The city's bazaars serve as a lens through which to observe the conjunction of its booming trade business with Dubai alongside its growing Islamic commodity culture and a religious reformism that is inspired by the materiality and non-materiality of a progressive and hybrid Dubai Islam. Bringing together long-distance trade, urban consumption practices and new forms of public piety in the mobile livelihood of three bazaar traders and sellers, the article provides insights into how the commodification of Islam informs notions of urbanity and modernity in Tajikistan. These notions correspond to the launching of urban renewal and the meta-narrative of Dushanbe's future as a modern city on the rise. Furthermore, the article illustrates the ways in which Dushanbe's Muslims turn bazaars into an urban laboratory for religious agency and cultural identities.     

What does it mean to be a moderate Muslim in the war on terror? Muslim interpretations and reactions

The rhetorical use of labels in the war on terror has become an important tactic post 9/11. One such example is the deployment of the categories of “moderate” and “extremist” within counterterrorism discourse, with Muslims distinguished as either friend or foe based on this dichotomy. The moderate Muslim label is a relational term, only making sense when it is contrasted with what is seen as non-moderate (i.e., extremism). Such binary constructs carry a range of implicit assumptions about what is regarded as an acceptable form of Islam and the risks posed by the Islamic religion and Muslim communities. In this article, we explore the implications of this labelling for Muslim communities. In particular, we explore the interpretations Muslims themselves accord to the dichotomy of moderate and extremist and consider whether the use of such binary terms is at all helpful as a way of rallying Muslims to the cause of tackling terrorism and radicalisation. We draw on focus group data collected from Muslims living in Australia to inform our analysis.     

Women’s Participation in Communal Activities in Rural Bangladesh

This article seeks to examine the extent of women’s participation in communal activities in rural Bangladesh, based on an analysis of a development programme, namely REFLECT (Regenerated Freirean Literacy through Empowering Community Techniques). This article evaluates the REFLECT programme with regard to its stated goal of enhancing female participation in local community affairs. Using Michael Mann’s classification of sources of power, the study emphasises the importance of participation as a contribution to political as well as ideological power in the community of Monsurabad Island in rural Bangladesh. To that end, this article aims at analysing women’s participation in community decision-making processes through voting behaviour, traditional village court (Salish) involvement and other civic activities. This study also reviews the views of village elders (matabars) on women’s participation at the communal level and the resulting empowerment. Based on the views of participant women themselves, the study concludes that the implementation of the REFLECT project in the local community under investigation has indeed resulted in empowering women, but this effect remains confined to their families and the handling of women’s issues. As the effect of the REFLECT project has not reached out to the realm of community politics, its impact on women’s participation in the community has been limited. This study argues that without any change in the existing social fabric of Monsurabad, women’s ideological power in that community could not be transformed into political power in accordance with Michael Mann’s theory.