首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1201篇
  免费   34篇
各国政治   90篇
工人农民   23篇
世界政治   61篇
外交国际关系   67篇
法律   203篇
中国共产党   49篇
中国政治   119篇
政治理论   170篇
综合类   453篇
  2023年   6篇
  2022年   14篇
  2021年   43篇
  2020年   49篇
  2019年   22篇
  2018年   26篇
  2017年   27篇
  2016年   38篇
  2015年   18篇
  2014年   84篇
  2013年   144篇
  2012年   86篇
  2011年   83篇
  2010年   53篇
  2009年   65篇
  2008年   69篇
  2007年   83篇
  2006年   77篇
  2005年   60篇
  2004年   45篇
  2003年   47篇
  2002年   43篇
  2001年   29篇
  2000年   15篇
  1999年   5篇
  1998年   1篇
  1994年   1篇
  1988年   1篇
  1982年   1篇
排序方式: 共有1235条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
931.
本文通过比较分析"全球治理"与"建设和谐世界"理念的异同,研究探索两者之间的相互关系,认为:一、两者都是对全球化深入发展,以及当代国际体系发生深刻变化的反应,并且都否定强权政治;二、"建设和谐世界"是中国融入当代国际体系、参与全球化过程中,为应对全球性问题挑战而提出的,具有中国特色的处理国际事务新理念,同时也与"全球治理"有一定的契合;三、由于"建设和谐世界"的思想基础是马列主义的和平共处国际关系理论,又与建设有中国特色的社会主义紧密相关,且强调传统中华文化的"和为贵"的理念,因此不能简单地认为它是中国的"全球治理"理论;四、"建设和谐世界"比"全球治理"理念更具包容性,因此建设和谐世界不仅能参与"全球治理",而且能超越全球治理。  相似文献   
932.
中国政府所倡导的以"互信、互利、平等、协作"为核心的新安全观反映了我国对国家安全问题的全新理论和战略思考。对"中国新安全观研究"的研究主要从专著、博士毕业论文和期刊文章三个方面反映,就有关安全的概念、中国新安全观的特点、中国新安全观的形成、中国新安全观的实践及有关对新安全观的质疑五个问题进行了广泛探讨。要进一步深化中国新安全观研究,就要从对"中国新安全观"所涉及概念的明确和进一步界定,搞清楚"新安全观"研究与"中国新安全观"研究的关系和构建"中国新安全观"理论体系三个方面下功夫。  相似文献   
933.
非传统安全与欧洲新安全战略   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
非传统安全问题已日益成为国际关系中的一个新的焦点,作为区域安全共同体的欧盟同样面临着紧迫的非传统安全形势。欧盟首部《欧洲安全战略报告》界定了欧洲当前面临的主要非传统安全问题并提出了对策措施,彰显了欧洲安全观念的变迁和安全实现路径的转变,这对于欧盟和整个国际社会而言都将产生深远影响。  相似文献   
934.
This article investigates the possibilities for the emergence of more participatory forms of citizenship in the context of austerity Europe. Especially significant in this regard is the history of the post-war New Left who were critical of both social democracy and authoritarian Marxism. In this context I reconsider the radical ‘humanistic’ writing of E.P. Thompson and Raymond Williams. Not only does their work offer a critical understanding of the commons, but equally connects to the revival of humanism evident within the alter globalisation movement. Further I look at the development of different ideas for a revived Left including nostalgia for the social democratic period and the idea of cosmopolitanism. While all of this work has something to offer I seek to argue that it fails to adequately address the need to develop more ecologically sensitive and more participatory forms of citizenship. In the final section, I outline the importance of the struggle for a more democratic and autonomous society and the increasing importance of issues related to traditions of self-management and the idea of the commoner. The idea of the commoner could yet become one of the major ideological struggles of the twenty-first century, but this will depend upon its ability to excite the imaginations of Europe's increasingly frustrated citizens in the age of neoliberalism.  相似文献   
935.
《Communist and Post》2019,52(2):145-154
The article deals with the Russian media coverage of sexual assaults against women during the 2016 New Year's Eve celebrations in Cologne. The authors examine it in the frame of discourse of “Gayropa” that represents the EU via changes in gender order of the West European societies. The pro-Kremlin media coverage of the “Rape of Europe” contributes to positioning Russia in the world, maintaining power legitimacy in the country, and supporting gender order in Russian society. The media discourse treats it as an evidence of decline of the European civilization.  相似文献   
936.
In line with the major philosophical (epistemological) transition in the social sciences from developmental historicism to modernist social science, there have been significant intellectual shifts in academic fields related to politics, state, and administration. More specifically, based on the modernist social science foundation, there has emerged the so-called ‘new governance’ encapsulating diverse neoliberal labels, theories, and models—including reinvention, new public management, networked governance, rational choice, and new institutionalism—which have serious adverse implications for democracy. These are some of the central arguments and claims made by Mark Bevir in his Democratic Governance. This article critically examines these claims and offers alternative viewpoints, especially regarding the controversial nexus between epistemology, theory, governance, and democracy.  相似文献   
937.
ABSTRACT

Significant research has been devoted to analyzing community gardens, including their benefits and problems. This article contributes to debates about community gardens by using concepts from feminist geography and food justice research to reflect upon the challenges and possibilities of community gardening in small, peripheral cities with large immigrant populations. We argue that these concepts provide a useful framework to enact ecofeminist visions through community gardens, especially in places dominated by immigrant populations that are particularly marginalized in the present political era. Our case study garden, Raíces Del Sur, was located in the City of Passaic, a low-income, post-industrial urban center surrounded by suburbs in Passaic County, New Jersey. As activists involved in the making of the Raíces Del Sur community garden to different degrees, and as researchers committed to an ecofeminist vision, we draw attention to the need for greater ecofeminist engagement with community gardening initiatives in cities throughout New Jersey.  相似文献   
938.
Since the 2003 Iraq war, the Middle East and North Africa has entered into a New Regional Cold War, characterised by two competing logics: on the one hand, the politicisation of sectarianism opposing a Saudi-led Sunni bloc against an Iran-led Shia bloc and, on the other, an intra-Sunni cleavage around the mobilisation of political Islam, embodied by the Muslim Brotherhood and its supporters vs its opponents. Blending Buzan and Weaver’s regional security complex theory with Donnelly’s notion of ‘heterarchy’ and applying it to the cold wars the region has experienced, the similarities and differences between the Arab Cold War of the 1950s/60s and the New Regional Cold War reveal the increasing number of heterarchic features within the regional security complex: multiple and heterogeneous power centres, different power rankings, a more visible and relevant role of non-state and transnational actors, and the fragmentation of regional norms.  相似文献   
939.
In this article I aim to explore the link between two normative values, namely justice and efficiency, and the New Public Management approach. In pursuing this task I offer several critical arguments against some of the recent justice‐based objections levied against New Public Management by David Arellano‐Gault. I claim that Arellano‐Gault's account of the relation between justice and the New Public Management is seriously undermined by two conceptual flaws: (1) a conflation of right‐libertarianism, utilitarianism, and desert theories of justice and (2) a conflation of the technical/productive sense of efficiency with the social/distributive sense. Furthermore, I maintain that even when the different theories of justice and the different senses of efficiency are properly delineated, the case for necessarily linking NPM to a particular theory of justice is markedly unconvincing.  相似文献   
940.
肖汉宇  公婷  劳婕 《公共行政评论》2020,(2):125-141,198
粤港澳大湾区各城市在社会环境上的差异,既是廉政建设区域间合作的挑战,也是机遇。在不同的社会背景下,人们对腐败的认知和接受程度不同,这在很大程度上通过行贿意愿的差异呈现。因此,了解社会环境对行贿意愿的影响,不仅有助于制定行之有效的廉政治理策略,也凸显不同地区之间信息交流和治理合作的重要性。那么,在不同的社会场景下,人们的行贿意愿会有怎样的差异?受到哪些社会环境因素的影响?行贿意愿差异的比较研究对廉政合作治理具有什么理论和政策涵义?新制度主义理论为回答这些问题提供了有益的启发。2019年在香港与大湾区A城市所作的问卷调查为不同地区相异的社会条件下的行贿意愿差异提供了分析依据。研究结果表明,在行贿场景所预示的社会条件发生变化时,市民行贿的意愿也随之变化。这种变化受到制度环境因素和社会环境因素两方面的影响。因此,在香港与大湾区其他城市社会条件不尽相同、而经济和社会交往又不断增加的情况下,如何抑制跨境贿赂是廉政合作治理必须面对的重要问题。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号