“时代力量”的政党制度化及其困境

台湾地区“时代力量”党是第三势力政党研究的典型。目前,对于“时代力量”的研究主要集中于宏观层面和微观层面,并不能完整的展现“时代力量”的组织变迁。本文试图从中观层面,勾勒其制度化图谱。“时代力量”的制度化水平一直处于较低的状态,受目标替代的影响,其自主性进一步削弱,而体系化程度受制于“属地化”的寡头式分权,难有起色。“时代力量”脆弱的组织很难承受政治参与扩大的冲击。     

‘A sort of Rathmines version of a Dior design’: Maeve Brennan,Self-Fashioning and the Uses of Style

This article explores the politics of style in the writing of Maeve Brennan. Brennan's concern with style, subjectivity and power is strikingly visible in her short stories and ‘Talk of the Town’ essays for the New Yorker. While in some of her short stories published in the New Yorker in the 1950s, Brennan seems to offer an extended critique of dandyism, elsewhere in her writing self-fashioning takes on an altogether more positive value and is steeped in the political as well as literary commitments of her work. The article argues that Brennan's interest in the politics of style, both personally and in her writing, is informed by the different strategies she deployed as an Irish woman writer establishing her place amongst a New York literary elite in the mid twentieth century.     

美国的新重商主义贸易政策与中美贸易摩擦发展趋势分析

新重商主义是重商主义贸易思想基于不同的利益与价值诉求在新时期的一种新形式的选择。在美国新重商主义贸易政策的影响下,频发的中美贸易摩擦有向长期化、高端化发展的态势。美国的新重商主义贸易政策主要体现在两方面:从鼓励出口的政策看,推动美元贬值提升制造业出口竞争力,并以绿色技术、设备、新能源为突破口,形成新的出口增长点与出口导向型战略;从限制进口的政策看,"两反两保"等贸易救济措施、"炭关税"等绿色贸易壁垒频出。     

从思想道德维度论新中国反腐倡廉教育历程与经验

新中国成立以来,中国共产党十分重视运用思想道德方式开展反腐倡廉教育。重视从政治上、思想上、道德上和作风上对党员和领导干部进行教育,从而构筑起防腐拒变的思想道德防线。在这个历程中,积累了诸多经验启示,加强反腐倡廉教育必须把思想政治建设放在首位,加强廉政文化建设,采取正面典型示范和反面典型警示相结合的方法,以健全制度为保证。     

Testing the racial profiling hypothesis for seemingly disparate traffic stops on the New Jersey Turnpike

This paper describes two studies designed to produce benchmark values with which to compare police stop data in an effort to assess racial profiling. Racial profiling is often measured by comparing the racial and ethnic distribution from police stop rates to race and ethnicity data derived from regional census counts. However, benchmarks may be more appropriate that are based on (1) the population of drivers or (2) the population of traffic violators. This research surveyed drivers on the New Jersey Turnpike and produced benchmark distributions reflecting these two populations. Benchmark values then were compared to police stops collected from State Troopers patrolling the Turnpike. The results revealed that the racial make‐up of speeders differed from that of nonspeeding drivers and closely approximated the racial composition of police stops. Specifically, the proportion of speeding drivers who were identified as Black mirrored the proportion of Black drivers stopped by police. This finding may explain the differences found between police stop rates and regional census data that are often interpreted as evidence of racial profiling. Interpretation and limitations of the results are discussed.     

“新农合”的实施、问题及其制度完善

2003年起实施的＂新农合＂,是比原有农村合作医疗更为合理的制度设计,它调动了中央、地方政府和农民三方面的积极性,缓解了农民＂看病贵、看病难、看病烦＂的问题,受到了参合农民的欢迎,至目前全国参保率已达到96.3%。虽然,在＂新农合＂的实施过程中,也出现了一些问题,但这些问题通过完善相关的立法,如加大政府对＂新农合＂的支持力度、逐步缩小城乡卫生费用的差距、建设好农村基层医疗卫生机构和减少＂新农合＂中的道德风险等,是可以逐步解决的。     

国外新制度主义政治学研究述评

新制度主义政治学作为当代西方政治学研究的主导范式,不仅推动了政治科学研究内容的更新,还进一步拓展了政治科学的研究领域,为制度理论的建构和发展做出积极的贡献。本文主要从制度研究的适用领域与政治学本位视角、新制度主义政治学内在争论的焦点、新制度主义政治学的权力基础、新制度主义视阈下政治制度研究的整合与超越四个方面,对国外新制度主义政治学的研究现状与理论发展进行综合性的评述。     

云南省毒品形势变化新特点及防控对策

当前云南省毒品形势依然严峻,禁毒工作压力加大,境内外毒情继续恶化;毒品需求急剧膨胀;境外罂粟种植反弹,合成毒品生产增长,易制毒物品需求增大;传统毒品问题尚未得到根本解决,一些新的毒品问题又逐步凸显。面对禁毒斗争的新形势、新变化,云南省禁毒工作要以科学发展观为指导,以深化禁毒人民战争为主线,以创建"无毒社区"为载体,全面加强和改进各项禁毒工作,以遏制毒品违法犯罪的发展蔓延。     

刑事证据制度修改的亮点与难点

证据既是刑事诉讼活动的基础,也是认定案件事实的根据,直接决定了刑事审判的质量。新《刑事诉讼法》对证据一章做了较大调整．增加了新条文、增设了新制度,如何准确地理解和把握该部分的条文变化是理论界和实务界目前首要关注的问题。本文对新《刑事诉讼法》证据部分进行了系统梳理,将证据章修改的“亮点”归纳为不得强迫自证其罪原则入法、非法证据排除规则得以明确、证人出庭与证人保护协调一致．核心精神在于保障人权。同时提出证据章修改的“难点”是证明问题．结合立法过程中产生的争议和质疑对证据规则、证明责任和证明标准问题进行了评述。     

A three-year comparative longitudinal study of a school-based social work family service to reduce truancy,delinquency and school exclusions

New Labour is keen to use legislation to encourage what are seen as desirable family practices, and to discourage other, less-favoured, forms. What this means in policy terms has now been codified in its 1998 Green Paper, Supporting Families . In this paper, we examine the validity of this enterprise in terms of its underlying assumptions about social behaviour and economic decision making. We argue that the government implicitly assumes a universal model of 'rational economic man' and his close relative the 'rational legal subject', whereby people take individualistic, cost-benefit type decisions about how to maximize their own personal gain. Change the financial structure of costs and benefits, and the legal structure of rights and duties, in the appropriate way and people will modify their social behaviour in the desired direction. However, recent research suggests that people do not act like rational economic man in making decisions about their moral economy. Legislation based on this assumption might then be ineffectual and the proposals in Supporting Families seem to be one example. This is what we have labelled the 'rationality mistake'. In Part I of this work, we focus on the financial proposals in the Green Paper and on the New Deal for Lone Parents in particular. We then go on to counterpose this with the results of recent empirical work on how and why people actually do make family decisions. In Part II, to be published in the next issue, we focus on chapter four of Supporting Families , on strengthening marriage, and again compare New Labour's proposals with recent empirical work.