The Engage programme and the Government Communication Network in the UK, 2006–2010

The Engage programme was launched in April 2006 by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in the UK. As a civil service body supporting those in government working as press officers and in marketing roles, the GCN under the New Labour government in the period 2006–2010 was involved with the extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication. This article charts this process by examining key government policy documents from this period. The rationale for Engage rested on the assumption that government in the UK needed to adapt its communication approach to reach what were perceived as individualised consumers in society. The extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication that happened under Engage is shown to be consistent with the New Public Management approach to public services under New Labour. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

论加强新时代党的全面领导的法规制度建设

新时代党的领导以全面领导为特征,以法治化为基本方向,为此,必须在准确把握党的全面领导内涵的前提下,完善党的全面领导的法规制度,使党的全面领导做到有法可依、有法必依。党的全面领导以政治领导为核心和根本,在党的全面领导的法规制度建设中,要着重围绕政治领导,首先从《宪法》《党章》层面对党的全面领导做出规定,同时也要在党的全面领导的主要领域做到有规可依,注重用党内法规制度解决党的全面领导存在的突出问题,这样才能更好地保证党的全面领导要求得到真正贯彻落实。     

论推进城市化进程与新农村建设的有机结合

在我国城市化过程中,我们要推进城市化进程与新农村建设的有机结合。在推动城乡良性互动与统筹发展的政策选择上,我们要做到：统筹城乡生产力布局,统筹城乡基础设施建设,统筹城乡经济发展,充分发挥政府在推动城乡良性互动与统筹发展中的作用。     

新媒体对青少年价值观形成影响的调查

新媒体来势汹汹,铺天盖地始料不及,一夜之间改变了我们,尤其是青少年的生活方式,特别是对青少年的价值观形成带来了不可估量的冲击和影响。为了确保青少年价值观健康形成,首先要:第一,优化媒介环境。当前的媒介环境存在着媒体引导偏移、文化煽情引导、报道失当等伦理错位。建立健全青少年价值观形成中新媒体信息监管机制,对新媒体的价值影响实施有效的监控和合理的引导,以先进的文化和思想给青少年健康成长创造新媒体环境。第二,提高青少年新媒体媒介素养。作为生存在数字化一代的青少年来说,媒介素养的高低尤为重要。通过引导的方法和新媒体伦理教育,强化青少年的媒体道德意识和法制观念,促使青少年树立自律意识和正确使用新媒体观念,培养和提高青少年拒绝诱惑能力,自觉遵守媒体规范与道德,合理使用新媒体。第三,以新媒体为平台,构建价值观引导网络。新媒体为青少年价值观引导提供了广阔的平台,其虚拟性和匿名性为传统价值观引导提供全新的视角。加强平台网站文化建设,凸显主流文化,增强主流文化吸引力和感召力,使价值观引导新媒体平台成为满足青少年需要的主渠道和主窗口。第四,加强高中阶段青少年使用新媒体的引导。     

大城市郊区新农村发展模式初探——上海市松江区泖港镇新农村建设经验调研报告

该文总结了上海市松江区泖港镇不倚仗工业闯出新农村发展道路的基本做法和经验,提出保护农业首先要保护环境,发展农业首先要反哺农业,服务农民首先要解放农民,建设农村不能过度依赖工业等建议。     

新民主主义革命时期党群沟通机制有效运行的原因及启示

新民主主义革命时期中国共产党准确地把握社会形势,成功地宣传了党的方针政策,唤醒了民众的革命觉悟,有效地整合了各种社会资源,推动了新民主主义革命的胜利。研究新民主主义革命时期党群沟通的有效运行机制,对新时期进一步改善党群关系,加强党的建设具有重要的指导意义。     

腐败的新特点与防治对策

近年来,我国腐败案件趋于高发态势,呈现出诸多新的特点,如高级别官员腐败案增多、涉案金额越来越大、腐败利益期权兑现、腐败方式虚拟化等。究其原因,主要表现为体制制度不完善、价值观发生扭曲、利益主体多元化等多个方面。因此,必须采取切实可行的措施,从反腐制度配套、完善监督体系、加强廉洁教育、借鉴国外有益经验等方面入手,使反腐建设切实取得实效。     

论新闻规律

新闻规律是新闻活动所必须遵循的法则,它存在于新闻形成和传播的过程之中,是提高新闻作品的质量、实现新闻的有效传播以及实施高水准的新闻管理的客观基础。     

A Pacific Sojourn: Anna Kavan and the New Zealand Connection, 1941–2

Abstract

This article examines Anna Kavan’s sojourn in New Zealand from February 1941 to November 1942 in the company of the pacifist playwright Ian Hamilton. Living in the most remote of the ex-British colonies reinforced Kavan’s ontological sense of homelessness and wish to disidentify from British society, yet the colony’s anglophone orientation offered familiarity within the strange and alien. The geography, landscapes and communities of its Pacific islands encouraged a reshaping of her imaginative engagement with otherness. Referring to Kavan’s recently published diary, ‘Five Months Further or What I Remember ab[ou]t New Zealand’, the essay argues that the New Zealand ‘experience’ encouraged her use of tropes of the Gothic and uncanny as she grappled with issues of distance, homelessness and disjunctive reality. The discussion focuses on the alternative/parallel world that New Zealand represents in stories published in I Am Lazarus (1945). It identifies experimental techniques associated with Gothic fiction by which Kavan registers the overlapping dualisms of war-torn London and idyllic rural New Zealand, and represents memory through framing devices and defamiliarizing rhetorical tropes as a distancing activity interrupting the present moment: dream sequences, irruptions into and splittings of reality, space and time reversals, doublings of self/other, disjunctive non sequiturs and ghostly mirror imaging.     

On the political consequences of privatisation: the case of Teléfonos de México

This article examines the political consequences of the most important single privatisation in Mexico, that of the national telecommunications company, Telmex. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, diverse observers of Mexico claimed that, as the government pursued a dramatic privatisation programme as part of a broader plan to liberalise the economy, democratic growth would be encouraged. This argument is challenged in the case of the Telmex privatisation. It is shown how privatisation generated new resources that were channelled to lubricate corporatist relations and that the so‐called new unionism emerging from the telephone workers’union did not represent a departure from, but a culmination of, traditional state‐labour relations in Mexico.