The Moroccan system of labour institutions: a class-based perspective

Abstract

The relevance of workers’ mobilisations in the 2011 Arab uprisings and – more recently – in the Algerian movement for democracy and social justice has encouraged a renewed interest in labour–state relations in the region. This article presents a class-based perspective on labour institutions, taking Morocco as a case study. In contrast to institution-based approaches, this research argues that it is problematic to treat the trade unions as analytical proxies for the working class, because this heuristic move conceals how class struggles – from below and from above – can transcend and transform labour institutions. The article proposes a framework to study labour–state relations, highlighting the relative autonomy of union officials from workers and vice versa. In this way, it shows how, in the neoliberal phase, the Moroccan state increased inducements to the unions while decreasing those to the workers and maintaining significant constraints on workplace organising. To use a simplified formulation, the regime included the unions to exclude the workers. In such a context of low union representativeness, the dangers of reducing the working class to the trade unions emerge clearly.     

Plus ça change, … : The Allocation of French ODA to Africa During and After the Cold War

France is frequently identified as the country whose official development assistance (ODA) aid program is most oriented toward the promotion of its foreign policy goals. We examine whether France reoriented the allocation of its aid in Africa to reflect changing priorities in the 1990s. Using panel data, we compare the patterns in French aid allocation to African recipients during the period 1980–1989 with that during the period 1990–2000. We find that nearly all the same political, economic, diplomatic, and cultural variables that explain French ODA allocation during the Cold War apply in the second period as well, though to a slightly lesser degree. The predictive strength of the prior years’ ODA commitments did increase in magnitude, suggesting that bureaucratic inertia increasingly exerts a formidable force in such decisions.     

透视日本小泉首相的第2次访朝

日本首相小泉闪电般地进行第 2次访朝 ,虽然有“内病外治”的作秀成分 ,未必会有助于其国内困境的解决 ,但是在打破朝日关系僵局、解决长期困扰双方的“绑架问题”方面 ,还是取得了积极的成果。同时 ,在重新确认《朝日平壤宣言》精神、重开朝日邦交正常化谈判方面 ,也并非乏善可陈。     

东北朝鲜移民社会经济与文化考察(1840-1945年)

近代百余年来,由于诸多原因,大量朝鲜人移居中国东北,逐步形成朝鲜族聚居区域与民族群体,为开拓东北边疆经济、文化做出了重大贡献。同时,朝鲜移民在特定的历史环境中,一方面继承和发展本民族固有的传统文化,另一方面又受到其他民族与国家的影响,从而形成了具有自身民族特色的社会经济与文化。     

From princely fiefdoms to Soviet nations: interethnic border conflicts in the North Caucasus and the village of Lesken

This article examines interethnic border conflicts that accompanied the Soviet division of the North Caucasus into ethno-territorial autonomous districts after the Civil War. It traces the tumultuous, and often violent, events that led to the transfer of the ethnically Ossetian village of Lesken from the Kabardino-Balkar Autonomous Oblast to the North-Ossetian Autonomous Oblast. The essay shows how the Soviet-sponsored ethnicization of territory exacerbated interethnic tensions in a multiethnic region that defied neat delimitation into coherent ethno-national administrative units. It highlights the ‘dual-assimilation’ that accompanied the introduction of the national principle and the delimitation of national borders. Ethno-national mobilization of populations in defence of their ‘national’ territory from neighbouring ethnic groups, though achieved for reasons of daily survival, represented an initial lesson in the importance of national identity in the modernizing Soviet state, as villagers learned to speak national and Bolshevik. In concluding, this paper seeks to understand the larger significance of Soviet border making in the North Caucasus by exploring issues of continuity and change, both in terms of imperial governance and the lived experience of ethnicity.     

韩国国会政治中诱发肢体冲突现象的因素初探

肢体冲突是议会内处于劣势的少数党为表达抗议、进行自我防御的一种议事途径和手段。其最终目的是要通过议事妨害、拖延,达到阻止争议法案顺利通过的目的。研究表明,多数党的＂规则强权＂与少数党的＂自我保护、自我救济＂之间的对抗是引发肢体冲突的根本原因;而少数党以肢体冲突作为首选斗争方式,则根源于韩国国会制度中威权主义权力的运行惯例,以及议事规则中缺乏对少数党权利保障而形成的多数党与少数党严重的政治不平衡局面;从深层结构看,肢体冲突还与国会内部、政党内部的社会资本状况不足有着内在的联系。     

2011年韩国政治外交述评与展望

2011年韩国的政治外交出现了不少新的变化。＂安哲秀现象＂的出现打破了长期以来保守和进步两派左右韩国政治的格局,韩国社会开始形成超越保守与进步理念的＂第三势力＂。朴槿惠、韩明淑等一批女性政治家活跃于韩国政坛,备受瞩目。韩国在继续强化韩美同盟关系的同时,进一步加强与中国的外交关系。为了克服国际金融危机的影响,韩国大力开展FTA外交,并取得了显著成果。2012年是韩国大选之年,韩国各种政治势力正在积极整合力量,希望在选举中谋求自己的利益最大化。韩国政府将继续调整与大国的关系,开展多边外交,并积极推进与中国和日本的FTA谈判。     

广西北部湾城市群政府合作研究

实现北部湾城市群政府合作,需要通过树立“共赢”、“协同”、“共同治理”的新观念,提供北部湾城市群政府合作的领导会晤制度、利益协调制度,加速北部湾城市群一体化进程等措施来提高北部湾区域经济的政府合作效率。     

朴婉绪小说题目翻译的考察

朴婉绪是韩国著名的小说家,韩国现代文坛的代表性人物。自20世纪90年代以来,她的诸多长、中、短篇小说被翻译成了汉语介绍到了中国。标题和书名是一篇文章或著作的浓缩,能否将其翻译得贴切到位,是翻译研究的重要内容。本文就朴婉绪小说题目的翻译进行了考察。     

中美关系变化与韩半岛

中美实力对比发生变化的同时,中美政府针对彼此的政策随之调整,这不可避免地对东亚和东北亚秩序造成影响。在这种形势下,韩半岛所受到的冲击也逐渐增大。近期,韩半岛局势存在着紧张和不安定的因素,而中美关系对韩半岛局势的影响也愈加明显。笔者从两国关系中合作和矛盾并存的观点出发,以21世纪的前十年中国的胡锦涛政府时期和美国的（小）布什政府、奥巴马政府时期为主要研究区间,回顾整理中美关系的变化和持续推移的趋势。本文通过分析中美关系变化对韩半岛产生的影响,提出为了维持东北亚地区和韩半岛的和平稳定,有必要开拓一条双边间及多边间的紧密的协商渠道,在维持六方会谈框架的同时,寻求一个具体施行方案体制的可能性。