Adapting violence for state survival and legitimacy: the resilience and dynamism of political repression in a democratizing South Korea*

Capacity in violence and its utilization is generally understood to be a first-order condition of the state-building process. As capacity increases and a state gains supremacy over would-be competitors, the use of violence by the state is hypothesized to decline, especially in polities that have made the democratic transition. However, we here demonstrate theoretically and empirically that the conventional wisdom is inadequate. We argue that political violence ubiquitously evolves according to the changing socio-political environment and varying tasks of the state.

Using the case of South Korea, a high-capacity, consolidated democracy, as a prism for theory building and corroboration, this study chronicles the evolution of political violence from the state’s explicit mobilization of thugs to suppress opposition at the early stage of state building through its collaboration with criminal organizations for developmental projects to the manipulation of quasi-governmental organizations after democratization in the late 1980s, coeval with the traditional use of public sources of force. We specifically look at how political development, that is, democratization, has produced new demands for – and constraints on – political violence and how post-authoritarian governments have responded.     

中国的韩国政治研究现状述评——基于《韩国研究论丛》与《当代韩国》的比较分析(1996～2010)

中韩建交20年来,中国的韩国学研究得到"全方位、多领域"飞速发展。本文以1996~2010年间在《当代韩国》和《韩国研究论丛》刊载的论文为样本,对国内学界韩国政治研究现状及趋势作初步的评价。结果显示:韩国政治研究已在国内韩国学研究中占主流地位;研究者从我国国情出发,把对方经验"化为我用"当做研究的根本目的。但总体上,尚存在理论化研究缺失,多主题发展失衡,文献研究为主,论文规范性较低等问题。     

South African foreign policy in the post-Mbeki period

President Thabo Mbeki's resignation in September 2008 six months before the expected end of his term was triggered by the recall issued by the ANC National Executive Committee. It is highly unlikely that any major changes in foreign policy will be made by the caretaker government of President Kgalema Motlanthe before the 2009 elections. However, the significant changes in the domestic political environment signal the start of a new era in South Africa's transformation — what might be called the ‘post post-apartheid period’. This paper explores what those changes might entail, especially in the realm of foreign policy. After reflecting on the legacy of Mbeki's foreign policy, the paper considers the potential implications of the relevant resolutions agreed at the December 2007 ANC National Conference in Polokwane. Constraints on South African foreign policy towards the African continent are considered, especially with regard to perception versus reality of its economic and political hegemony as well as its complex identity as a nation. In light of this analysis and the inevitable impact of the current global economic crisis, the paper concludes with a series of recommendations for a new vision and agenda for South Africa's foreign policy under the government to be elected in 2009.     

"We Came to Tell the Truth": Reflections On The Tokyo Women's Tribunal

This article analyzes the development agenda Western donors have been operating on over the past decade, particularly the agenda's focus on good governance. After analyzing the academic background of this agenda, which is most evident in so-called new institutional economics, the article discusses the change in the discourse on development assistance toward selectivity, and its implementation in the policies of the International Development Association, the United States, and the Netherlands. The analysis of the policies of these three donors, and of recent empirical studies demonstrates that the donors are biased in favor of rewarding certain policies—in particular, pro-market and trade-oriented policies—on the part of aid-receiving countries. The donors have, thus, introduced clearly ideological and political elements about the socioeconomic order into a seemingly technocratic discussion about the prerequisites of governance. Because of the emphasis on market orientation and trade openness as central criteria for the judging of “good governance,” the current development assistance agenda is located explicitly in the domain of the post-Washington consensus, which links the promotion of pro-market policies to the implementation of an agenda of political reform. The article concludes by pointing out several ambiguities in the current focus on good governance. In particular, the author argues that donors tend to emphasize the instrumental value of governance and overlook the underlying structural causes of bad governance in developing countries.     

More than Rubber-Stamps: The Consequences Produced by Legislatures in Non-Democratic States beyond Latent Legitimation

Despite various works suggesting the contrary, legislatures in non-democratic states are overwhelmingly generalised as ‘rubber-stamps’ that provide nothing other than latent legitimacy for those in power. Based on examination of legislatures in 10 of the world's most undemocratic states this paper highlights their capacity to act in precisely the opposite manner, serving to empower citizens, strengthen opposition groups and weaken dictatorial regimes. Whilst recognising that legislatures can be manipulated and subjugated by such regimes, the article seeks to highlight the variations between legislatures and the need to take account of their true potential.     

South Korea and Sino-Japanese rivalry: a middle power's options within the East Asian core triangle

Abstract

South Korea is a middle power in a region where its scope of action can rise and fall quickly and diplomatic flexibility is needed. Neither realist responses to threats nor idealist trust in integration meet its needs for adjusting triangular ties with China and Japan, as their relations become the principal great power divide in Northeast Asia. Its optimal choice is as a facilitator biding its time when tensions over both security and national identity clashes are intense, while preparing for opportunities. Four conditions would give it a favorable environment: forward-looking foreign leadership; security challenges brought under some control; subsiding preoccupation with national identities; and its own strategic planning with care not to overreach. Multiple possibilities emerge if it can rebuild ties with Japan as part of a triangle with China as well as one with the United States and also synchronize ties with China to other ties. Even amidst recurrent tensions, the core East Asian triangle offers Seoul a chance to take advantage of changing dynamics in the world's most ascendant region.     

试论邓小平对我国政治体制改革的历史贡献

邓小平作为我国改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的总设计师,他对政治体制改革的历史贡献可与经济体制改革相提并论。他从十一届三中全会召开前夕起,即已开始谈论和率先提出政治体制改革的问题,后经深思熟虑,系统形成改革的总体思路,并把政治体制改革推上党和国家的紧要日程。     

金融危机以后的韩国对华直接投资

韩国金融危机后 ,韩国企业对华直接投资发生了许多新变化。投资的项目数和金额均大幅度减少 ,在华韩资企业也开始进行重大的结构调整 ,针对中国国内市场的投资逐渐增多。伴随着中国西部大开发事业的推进 ,在中国内陆地区投资的韩国企业逐渐增多。可以预料 ,随着中国加入WTO和经济结构国际化的进展 ,今后韩国对华直接投资不仅会有量的快速发展 ,而且在质的方面也会有很大的提高 ,投资地区和投资行业将进一步呈现出多样化的特征。     

Anti-American,pro-Chinese sentiment in South Korea

Anti-American, pro-Chinese sentiment is spreading widely in South Korea. This phenomenon is caused by extreme US-ROK policy dissension over matters related to North Korea, especially the nuclear questions, and South Korea's emotional attachment for China based on historical and geopolitical factors. In order to prevent this irrational situation from damaging the mutual interests of both Washington and Seoul, the two capitals should come up with mutually acceptable options for nuclear issues—placing more gravity and priority on dialogue over sanctions as a matter of strategy. Coercive measures can be employed only as a last resort. In order to maintain peace, to fulfill the political responsibility as a great power in East Asia, and to reciprocate to South Korea's positive expectation, Beijing should play a more constructive role in resolving the North Korean nuclear issues and in inducing Pyongyang to open up and reform more aggressively.     

David and Goliath: dismantling inequalities within faith-based cross-sector partnerships

This article reports on a research project that explored the internal dynamics of a faith-based and cross-sector partnership when different levels of organisational resources and capacity exist. A case of a three-way partnership between a faith-based, a for-profit, and a non-profit organisation is analysed. Through participant observation, interviews, and an examination of secondary data using grounded theory and the constant comparison method of analysis, an assessment of how resources impacts partnership structure, agenda/goal setting, roles, and responsibilities are highlighted and framed to demonstrate the inequalities in partnership outcomes. Furthermore, a framework for how to infuse structural equality into these partnerships is discussed.