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排序方式: 共有407条查询结果,搜索用时 24 毫秒
331.
This study explored how immigrants locate themselves in a new culture through analyzing 25 Korean immigrants' everyday activities in New Zealand. The findings suggest that they opted to either behave in Korean ways or to take up behaviors reflective of the receiving society, based on their level of control over activities disrupted by immigration. The findings supplement the concept of acculturation, explaining how 21st-century immigrants who retain transnational status engage in the acculturation process within a globalized context. 相似文献
332.
何阶平 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2012,12(2):67-71
1947年7月,中国共产党在桂北领导了农民武装起义,打击了国民党桂系的县、区乡政权。桂北游击队和游击队党组织的诞生,威慑和打击了国民党桂系的反动统治,在广西特别在桂北一带产生了极大的政治影响。游击队壮大后,在桂北建立了纵横百里的游击区,牵制了国民党桂系的正规军,协助四野解放了桂北各县,成为建设人民政权的主干力量。 相似文献
333.
Kevin Gray 《当代亚洲杂志》2018,48(1):113-132
While Beijing has repeatedly signed up to multilateral sanctions against North Korea, it is widely regarded as having failed to enforce them. Indeed, China’s deepening economic engagement with the country has led observers to debate the causes of this seemingly duplicitous approach. Constructivist and realist approaches have relied on state-centric frameworks that serve to reduce Sino-North Korean relations to the high politics of Beijing-Pyongyang diplomacy in the context of broader geopolitical dynamics. This article argues that such approaches pay insufficient attention to the profound rescaling of the Chinese state in recent years and the implications this process has for bilateral relations. This article sheds light on how Sino-North Korean relations are being driven by actors at multiple scales and by a multitude of objectives as a result of decentralisation and marketisation alongside increasing geographical unevenness within China and new challenges to continued capital accumulation. North Korea has come to play an increasingly important role in efforts to facilitate economic recovery in the northeastern border regions through serving as spatial fix for Chinese manufacturing capital. These new cross-border flows of capital and labour suggest an emerging pattern of Sino-North Korean relations that is by no means static but in considerable flux. 相似文献
334.
Eunju Lee 《Journal of family violence》2007,22(3):141-149
Domestic Violence is a serious problem among Korean immigrant women in the United States. However, little is known about the
incidence of domestic violence as well as risk factors predicting violence experienced in intimate relationships. The purpose
of this study is to describe domestic violence among Korean immigrant women, including type and frequency of violence and
predictive factors of domestic violence experienced by Korean immigrant women. One hundred and thirty-six Korean women completed
questionnaires developed in this study. Results indicate that domestic violence is a major family problem for Korean immigrant
women. Implications are discussed in terms of the need of social services for Korean immigrant women. 相似文献
335.
Jon Birger Skjærseth 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2003,3(2):167-190
Most pollution problems arise as by-products of domestic activity. The effectiveness of international environmental regimes thus depends on the operations of domestic political and administrative institutions. However, the study of regime effectiveness tends to overlook the operation of domestic institutions as well as the interests and preferences of sub-national non-state actors. In this article, a framework for combining the study of regime effectiveness with domestic institutions and actors is initially presented. The merits of this framework within the context of the North Sea regime is then explored. The article concludes that the effectiveness of this regime depends on the operation of both international and domestic institutions. Of particular importance are those sub-national actors actually causing the problem in the first place as well as domestic institutions influencing the behaviour of target groups. 相似文献
336.
朝鲜半岛形势变化与丹东的战略抉择 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
自 2 0 0 0年 6月朝韩首脑会晤以来 ,朝鲜半岛形势发生了令世人瞩目的变化。尽管还存在着种种变数和外部制约因素 ,但朝韩之间通过政治对话和经济交流 ,逐步由对立走向合作的趋势已不可逆转。丹东是连接朝鲜半岛与欧亚大陆的主要通商口岸 ,是中朝经贸合作的前沿窗口。面对变化 ,应积极调整思路 ,抓住机遇 ,准确定位 ,充分发挥区位优势 ,推动地区产业升级和城市功能完善 ,向东北亚国际性城市迈进。 相似文献
337.
Zein Kebonang 《Development in Practice》2007,17(1):98-103
This article argues that Africa's developmental efforts can be greatly enhanced by an improvement in its bargaining power and by a more genuine demonstration of generosity by its trading partners, in particular the developed countries. This generosity entails putting no conditions or restrictions on Africa's products, particularly agricultural exports, and eliminating farm subsidies in developed states. Unless this is done, concessions made to African countries will remain merely symbolic. 相似文献
338.
Gabriel Jonsson 《East Asia》2005,22(2):77-95
The stamp is “an arena for conveying every possible kind of message through pictures”. Since stamp motives are not chosen
arbitrarily, this study considers what stamps issued by North and South Korea since their foundation in 1948 tell about these
states. Firstly, the number of stamps made by each state from 1948 until 2002 is investigated. This time is divided into ten-year
periods. Conclusions are drawn from the number of stamps made. Secondly, the motives are investigated in detail. Eight motives—commemoratives,
history, famous persons, culture, politics, economics, nature and miscellaneous are identified. Quantitative data on the motives
are presented in tables that are followed by facts about the issues. Thirdly, the main findings are presented on a general
level and under the motives identified. Implications of the motives on North and South Korean stamps are discussed and similarities
and differences are highlighted. 相似文献
339.
中朝经贸关系发展的现状及未来走势分析 总被引:8,自引:1,他引:7
进入新千年后,中朝经贸关系出现了历史性的新发展,特别是2003和2004年连续取得突破10亿美元的最好业绩,使中国在朝鲜对外经贸关系中的重要地位再次得以凸现,使东亚各国对其今后的发展前景表现出极大的关注。随着朝鲜经济市场化改革的进展,中朝双边贸易未来几年还有进一步发展的余地。 相似文献
340.
Hyung-A Kim 《当代亚洲杂志》2017,47(2):273-298
This commentary discusses what is popularly regarded as the “Roh Moo-hyun Phenomenon” in today’s South Korean society, as an attempt to shed some light on an interview which the late President Roh Moo-hyun had with the author in December 2008. This interview is unique not only because it became Roh’s last interview conducted before his suicide on May 23, 2009, but also because it provides Roh’s candid critical self-assessment on his own presidency, especially regarding his role in both domestic politics and the inter-Korean relationship, and the Korea-US relationship during his term in office, as well as commenting on Japan’s approach to Northeast Asian regional politics. Reflecting on Roh’s star-like rise to the presidency and fall from grace, this commentary alerts readers that Roh’s last interview needs to be considered within the context of the Roh Moo-Hyun Phenomenon, especially in regard to the 2017 presidential election, because it will directly affect the fate of not just the “pro-Roh group,” with the largest share of the opposition in today’s Korean society, but the Korean people as a whole at a time when the country’s many leading civic groups are desperately seeking a “Great Transformation.” 相似文献