The role of electoral geography in the territorialization of party systems

When does a country's social structure foster the development of territorialized party systems? This article argues that electoral geography – defined as the interaction between the geography of social diversity and electoral rules– is key to answering this question. I make two claims: first, the impact of geographically concentrated diversity on party system territorialization depends on the proportionality of electoral rules. Second, the types of geographic cleavages (ethnic versus economic) and whether they are overlapping or cross-cutting also affects the likelihood of party system territorialization (conditional on the electoral system). I test these claims with an original dataset measuring party system territorialization in 382 elections across 60 countries that also includes comparable cross-national measures of different types of geographically concentrated diversity (language, race, religion and income). The main conclusion is that proportional electoral systems and cross-cutting cleavages can act as a powerful constraint on the translation of territorial ethnic cleavages into territorialized party systems.     

Is Brazil becoming a “boring” country?

The article looks at the condition of Brazil's political system in light of the 1998 electoral results. It critically examines arguments that electoral volatility, political fragmentation and weak institutionalisation have produced a highly unstable political system unsuitable for sound policy‐making and processing change. While not underestimating the influence of electoral rules, it argues that given the combination of political, institutional and economic turmoil of the 1980s, it is not surprising that electoral volatility over the period was amongst the highest in the world. Arguably, however, these factors are now having a diminished impact on the political system, lessening volatility and allowing the emergence of a more institutionalised party system.     

The Chilean presidential elections of 1999–2000 and democratic consolidation

This article examines the campaign and the outcome of the presidential elections held in 1999–2000 in Chile. It argues that the election marks a crucial phase in the consolidation of democracy in Chile. It can be seen as the first “normal” election since the return to democracy in 1990. It was unusually competitive and the result was in doubt until the second round vote. The election was notable for its emphasis on the future. Issues of the past were largely ignored ‐ as was the position of General Pinochet in London. The campaign of the Right was based upon an above‐party appeal while that of the ruling coalition relied on the traditional weight of parties in Chile. The result can be seen as an endorsement of the policies of the Concertacion government, but it also represented a resurgence of the Right. The victorious candidate, Ricardo Lagos, has stressed his commitment to social justice and to equity ‐ but he faces the problem of a governing coalition with internal differences still to be resolved, and a Right better placed to be a formidable opposition.     

论中国共产党、社会主义国家与中国工会

在构建社会主义和谐社会的历史进程中,党、国家与工会三者有着共同的发展主题、发展主体、发展动力、发展战略、发展目标和发展道路。从党、国家与工会关系的实质中,明确工会发展的定位;从党、国家发展的道路中,明确工会发展道路的必然;从党、国家发展的经验上,寻求启迪,拓展思路。接受理论指导,获取经验支持,掌握科学方法,为中国特色社会主义工会发展道路的深化研究夯实基础。     

关于对领导干部实施党内监督的若干思考

在现实中实施对领导干部党内监督还存在不少需要解决的问题 ,某些领导干部败坏党风、违犯党纪的现象得不到有效的查处和制约。在新的历史时期 ,要加强对领导干部实施党内监督 ,必须完善党内监督机制 ,保证纪检部门权力的相对独立 ,规范党内监督制度 ,达成监督工作民主化     

网络传媒对执政党权力基础的影响

政党的核心作用在于作为＂桥梁和纽带＂来连接民众和公共权力。执政党的权力基础在于获得了大多数民众的拥护。现今,网络传媒的高度发展对执政党自身、民众与执政党沟通方式、民众与公共权力的关系等都产生了广泛而深远的影响。在此情形之下,执政党需要认清形势、看准趋势,按照网络传媒自身的客观规律进行管理和利用,以期实现与网络传媒的良性共处和互动。     

承前启后继往开来丰富和发展马克思主义建党思想--论党的第三代领导集体对马克思主义建党理论的重大贡献

中国共产党诞生80年来,坚持把马克思主义建党理论与中国共产主义运动相结合,取得了举世瞩目的成就.以江泽民为核心的第三代中央领导集体,承前启后,继往开来,进一步丰富和发展了马克思主义建党理论,形成了比较完整的党建理论体系,为无产阶级政党走向新的胜利奠定了坚实的理论基础.     

着力建立健全党员队伍纯洁机制

保持党的纯洁性是马克思主义政党的本质要求。建立健全党员队伍纯洁机制,对于新时期保持党的纯洁性,加强和改进党的建设具有重大而深远的意义。     

“县权公开”面临的困境及解决思路

“县权公开”对于加强党的执政能力,巩固党的执政基础,推动党内民主发展和防治县权腐败具有非常重要的价值。但当前“县权公开”改革仍然面临着困境,如怎么追究违犯规定后的责任、如何处理权威与公开的关系等。造成上述困境的原因是多方面的,既有体制制度方面的原因,也有领导干部个人方面的原因。要真正实现“县权公开”,还需要相关部门在建立健全权力运行制度、改革完善监督制度、规范约束县委书记权力、提高县级领导干部思想认识等方面下工夫。     

Continuing Revolt of the Urban Chinese Voters: The Case of Kepong

Abstract

Since the 2008 Malaysian general election the Chinese vote has swung overwhelmingly to the opposition, and this trend has continued in the 2013 general election. When announcing the results of the 2013 general election, Prime Minister Najib labelled it as a ‘Chinese tsunami’. Taking the case of Kepong, this article attempts to explain the reasons for the urban Chinese voters’ continuing support for the Democratic Action Party.