Social movements and political opposition in contemporary Thailand

Abstract

There is an underlying optimism in much of the literature that considers the emergence of social movements as being associated with deepening processes of democratization. The expansion of civil society is seen to expand political space. This paper takes a critical lens to this perspective, using recent political events in Thailand as a case study of the political strategies and alliances of social movements. We examine the debates that saw many social movements and their leaderships initially support elected Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai Party only to see this support drain away as these same movements called on their followers to bring down the government. More importantly, we examine how these movements came to ally with conservative forces associated with the palace and military. Based on the Thai case study, we suggest that these seemingly unlikely outcomes result from the very nature of social movements. Leadership by middle-class activists, the need for alliances, the development of networks, and a focus on single issues and identities leads social movements to make substantial political compromises. The consequences can be negative for democratic development.     

Democratic Electoral Systems around the world, 1946–2011

This research note describes an update to Golder's (2005)Democratic Electoral Systems (DES) dataset. We extend the temporal scope of the original dataset by including all legislative and presidential elections that took place in democratic states from 2001 to 2011. In addition to significantly expanding the size of the DES dataset, we offer a simplified classification scheme for electoral systems. We also provide more detailed information about all democratic elections since 1946, including the dates for each round of elections as well as the rules used in different electoral tiers. A brief temporal and geographic overview of the data is presented.     

Globalization and the Korean electronics industry

Abstract

Northeast Asia is notable for the relative absence of regional institutions. The Six Party Talks could constitute an embryonic starting point for the development of such institutions. The path toward greater institutionalization is likely to begin in a modest fashion. Functional working groups on topics such as the environment, maritime transport, technical barriers to trade, road and rail links, and energy could provide the locus for integrating North Korea into the broader regional and global economies. Foreign ministries will inevitably take the lead in developing the Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism (NEAPSM), but meaningful economic achievements will require the involvement of other ministries. North Korea has proved problematic in this regard thus far. Moreover, given the importance of private-sector involvement in achieving sustainable economic development in North Korea, modalities will have to be developed to integrate private-sector actors when possible. The governments of the region, and particularly China and South Korea, may continue support on a bilateral basis as a hedge against North Korea's collapse or as inducements in the context of the nuclear talks. But the development of more permanent multilateral structures is unlikely until the nuclear issue is resolved.     

Images of Labour

Abstract

This paper looks at the continuities and changes in the nature of election campaigns in Britain since 1900 by focusing on the way campaigning has changed and become more professional and marketing driven. The piece discusses the ramifications of these developments in relation to the Labour Party's ideological response to mass communication and the role now played by external media in the internal affairs of this organisation. The paper also seeks to assess how campaigns have historically developed in a country with an almost continuous, century long cycle of elections.     

以党务公开迈向权力文明之路

党务公开是中国共产党加强执政能力建设的一个重大举措,是走向权力文明进而促进政治文明发展的必由之路。党务公开的实质是权力公开透明运行,其目的是增加党内工作和党内生活的透明度,保证广大党员的主体地位和知情权,进一步加强对权力的监督和制约。封建官本位的文化价值观、党组织对自身利益的维护、以传统管理方式和经验从事党务工作以及上下级党组织党务公开互动管道不顺畅是阻碍党务公开和权力受监督制约的重要因素。只有以党内民主的文化价值观颠覆和清除封建官本位的文化价值观,正确认识和协调好党组织自身利益与广大党员以及人民群众利益的关系,将党务公开的经验管理和常规管理转变为信息管理和科学管理,畅通上下级党组织党务公开的互动管道,才能以权力文明促进党内民主发展和政治文明发展。     

致公党服务中国特色侨务公共外交的思考

"侨务公共外交"作为中国特色公共外交的重要组成部分,也是一国在国际社会中确定其正当性和认同度的一条重要路径。文章在分析、总结致公党开展中国特色侨务公共外交的优势、特点和存在的困难的基础上,提出了工作的目标任务,并围绕这一目标任务的实现,建议做好统筹规划,积极推动涉侨部门开展中国特色侨务公共外交的协调配合;发挥"侨""海"优势,多渠道拓展致公党服务中国特色侨务公共外交的领域和空间;重视理论研究,积极推动有中国特色侨务公共外交理论体系的建立;创新履职思路,努力推动中国特色侨务公共外交的机制建设和可持续开展。     

党内反腐倡廉法规研究

自1938年党内法规一词提出后,不同时期研判党内法规范围的标准不同.2013年《中国共产党党内法规制定条例》公布后,党内法规的范围应当按照其规定的法定标准判断.腐败是国家公职人员利用公共权力实施的违反法律规范的滥用权力、谋取私利、有社会危害性、严重损害公共利益的行为.党内反腐败法规应在狭义上使用,仅指党中央、中央纪律检查委员会、中央各部门层面制定的对腐败行为本身加以规制的党内法规.     

坚定理想信念 坚守共产党人精神家园

我们党担负着团结带领人民全面建成小康社会、推进社会主义现代化、实现中华民族伟大复兴的历史重任。要确保党始终成为中国特色社会主义事业的坚强领导核心,广大共产党员必须坚定理想信念,坚守共产党人精神追求。     

党的十九届六中全会决议中的法治要义

十九届六中全会通过的《中共中央关于党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的决议》是党关于历史问题的第三个专门性决议。该《决议》全面总结了新中国成立以后社会主义革命和建设的历史经验,对一些重大历史事件和重要历史人物作出了实事求是的评价。该《决议》对我们党尊重法律、遵守法律、依靠法律和捍卫法律的百年奋斗历史作了全面系统的概括和总结,对党依法执政的历史成就和重要经验进行了系统性地归纳,为中国特色社会主义法治建设指明了继续前进的方向。该《决议》关于我们党依法办事、依法执政重大成就和历史经验的全面系统归纳和总结是通过决议文本中的139个“法”字以及由“法”构成的词组来科学地加以表述的。对十九届六中全会通过的《决议》中的“法”字进行系统性的归纳和总结,可以提炼出十九届六中全会决议中的法治要义,全面和系统地呈现中国共产党依法执政、依法治国、依法办事的百年奋斗的历史脉络。     

Understanding Turkish secularism in the 21th century: a contextual roadmap

ABSTRACT

This paper asserts that Turkish secularism and Islamism represent two faces of one coin – contemporary Turkish politics – when one considers their goals and strategies. The two ideological movements have shaped one another and each now seeks to impose itself as superior. This article unpacks these differences and similarities in the following steps: (a) it defines the socio-historic modes of Turkish secularism and (b) examines its social and political origins; (c) it then explores Islam’s return to the public domain as an oppositional Turkish identity; (d) and thereafter considers the diverse understandings of secularism resulting from neoliberal policies that relaxed state control over Islam, which then prompted socially-acceptable reinterpretations of Islam; and finally (e) describes how the AKP’s has re-imagined secularism while (mis)using Islam as a political instrument. The comparison highlights such commonalties as a collectivist character, a desire for state control as a vehicle to realize an ideology, intolerance of diversity and criminalization of other perspectives, and the differentiation of religion as morality in the private sphere versus its cultural role in the public sphere. It concludes that, under the AKP government, Islam is used as a tool to consolidate the power of Erdo?an’s kleptocratic regime.