‘Friend or Foe?’: Brexit and French Bashing in the Conservative Parliamentary Party (2016–2022)

This article explores the extent of anti-French rhetoric in Conservative parliamentary discourse since 2016. It argues that up to the end of Liz Truss's extremely brief period of power, a fair number of Conservative MPs embarked on an escalation of tabloid-like anti-French bashing after the election of Boris Johnson, in an attempt to mimic the dramaturgy staged by their leader, while those who tried to provide a more positive discourse were left crying in the wilderness. Moreover, positive attempts to renew the relationship essentially came from MPs who had specific interests to defend, either in terms of representation of French residents in their constituencies or out of loyalty to family connections. Post-Johnson, a more realistic and sensible discourse is anticipated, but damaging traces of this populist drift are likely to continue.     

浅论清末民初章士钊的政党思想

章士钊是中国近代史上著名的思想家和理论家,他注意观察和研究近代民主政治,尤其是政党政治,他强调党纲的重要性,推崇英国式的政党内阁制,并由此提出了毁党造党说,即政党和国内政治资源的重新优化组合,一方面,所谓党者尽毁之,既毁其名又毁其实,另一方面,造有党纲之党,在国内形成两大政党对抗的局面。毁党造党说轰动一时,但因不符合中国的国情而遭到失败。     

创新党史学习教育的有效途径

加强党员干部的党史学习教育,是提高党的建设科学化水平的重要途径。目前,各级培训机构在党史教育中还存在着不少问题,如对党史教育重视程度不够、存在＂庸俗化＂倾向、专业人才缺乏、教育方式针对性不强等。因此,相关部门必须高度重视并合理安排党员干部进行党史学习教育,加强党史教育工作队伍建设。各级培训部门在党史教育过程中要突出重点把握规律,增强其有效性和针对性。     

The role of electoral geography in the territorialization of party systems

When does a country's social structure foster the development of territorialized party systems? This article argues that electoral geography – defined as the interaction between the geography of social diversity and electoral rules– is key to answering this question. I make two claims: first, the impact of geographically concentrated diversity on party system territorialization depends on the proportionality of electoral rules. Second, the types of geographic cleavages (ethnic versus economic) and whether they are overlapping or cross-cutting also affects the likelihood of party system territorialization (conditional on the electoral system). I test these claims with an original dataset measuring party system territorialization in 382 elections across 60 countries that also includes comparable cross-national measures of different types of geographically concentrated diversity (language, race, religion and income). The main conclusion is that proportional electoral systems and cross-cutting cleavages can act as a powerful constraint on the translation of territorial ethnic cleavages into territorialized party systems.     

PAKISTAN’S CRISIS OF GOVERNANCE AND THE RESURGENCE OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE SINCE AUGUST 2016

Fifteen years since joining the US-led anti-terrorism coalition, Pakistan’s response to the challenges of terroristic violence and extremist indoctrination and propaganda remain military-centric and kinetic. Since August 2016, after a brief lull, Pakistan has experienced a resurgence of terrorist activity and violence that has struck all of its provinces and placed its capital on high alert. The re-escalation in the level of terrorist violence began with the August 8, 2016, attacks in Quetta, which left over 70 dead and more than 100 injured. The lack of response from the provincial and federal governments to this carnage, led the Supreme Court of Pakistan to exercise its authority under Article 184(3) of the Constitution and establish an Inquiry Commission to examine the state of the investigation and report on the challenges faced in the struggle against terrorism and extremism. This inquiry assumed the form and substance of an audit of the performance of Pakistan’s institutions and exposed the link between the country’s crisis of governance and its incoherent response to terrorism and extremism at all levels of government. The implications of the inquiry report are both broad and deep, and reveal that Pakistan’s trajectory remains that of civilian administrative breakdown and institutional exhaustion. This indicates that Pakistan’s civilian-military balance continues to shift in structural terms in favour of the latter and that beneath a veneer of constitutional democracy, the arbitrary, unwise, and inefficient, exercise of power by the political class continues to hollow out the country’s administrative institutions.     

资源依赖分析:党建科学化研究的新视角

资源依赖理论在党建领域中的应用,为党建科学化研究提供了新视角。在党组织与外界环境的复杂互动中,中国共产党找到了一条提高党建科学化水平的新的研究路径。在社会转型期,中国共产党的执政环境发生了深刻变化,党的权力架构、组织结构、思想文化、意识形态以及其它执政资源都发生了一定的转换。中国共产党应顺应国际潮流、国内转型和党内转变的总体环境,进一步提高非权力性权威、巩固组织网络、强化社会整合功能。     

The German Party System: Eternal Crisis?

Ever since the early years of the Federal Republic, the German debate about political parties and the party system has been almost obsessed with the theme of crisis. Contrary to what seems to be the dominant view from within Germany, this article argues that, by and large, the German party system has performed well. Gordon Smith's centrality thesis can explain why this has been the case. However, there are indications that the future may not be so benign.     

伊、巴、印关于IPI天然气管道的地缘政治战略博弈

IPI即从伊朗南帕尔斯气田通向巴基斯坦、印度的天然气管道,其谈判历程曲折复杂,其间不仅夹杂着伊、巴、印三方各自的利益诉求,而且还集中了大国间的利益纷争和矛盾,彼此的碰撞和博弈异常激烈。伊朗欲借此改善国内经济困境、稳定政局、打破美国的围堵。巴基斯坦欲借此缓解国内能源危机、改善巴伊关系、增加同印度谈判的筹码。印度也欲借此缓解国内能源短缺状况,加强与伊朗的能源合作,在能源争夺战中抢占先机。美国出于打压伊朗的目的,极力阻扰IPI的实施。     

郑洪年与国立暨南大学的党化教育(1927—1934)

党化教育是国民党掌权后在思想领域实行一党专制的重要手段,尤以民国国立大学内的党化教育最为典型。本文着重以民国华侨教育家郑洪年任校长期间的国立暨南大学为考察点,探讨国民党在国立大学实施党化教育的主旨、具体措施及其影响,以加深对民国时期党化教育的认识。     

对加强胜利油田惩防体系建设的思考

建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系是推进党风廉政建设的创新举措。胜利油田惩防体系建设以党的十八精神为指针，固本清源抓教育，规范权力抓监督，以查促防抓惩处，牢牢把握促进党员干部清正廉洁、保障履职安全的目标指向，为提升胜利油田党风建设和反腐倡廉工作水平，推动胜利油田打造世界一流、实现率先发展提供政治保障。