党的领导制度引领国家治理现代化的路径分析

新中国成立以来,我国逐步形成了以党的全面领导为核心的国家治理新模式.坚持和完善党的领导制度,有利于优化国家治理结构、提升国家治理能力、协调国家治理关系,是适应历史发展、坚持理论创新及顺应改革实践的必然选择.从治理主体、治理关系、治理模式三个维度入手,突出党的核心地位,优化党政职能结构,健全运行体制机制,是加快制度优势向...     

中国共产党提高党建科学化水平理论与实践的历史回顾

提高党的建设科学化水平是无产阶级政党建设的奋斗目标,是以科学发展观为指导的新的党建观产生的标志。改革开放以来,每次党的全国代表大会总书记的报告、历次党章的修改以及每次专门讨论党的建设问题的中央全会,见证了党建科学化水平不断提高的历程。提高党建科学化水平的历史经验是,认清党的历史方位,明确党建总目标是逻辑起点,解放思想、实事求是是动力源泉,党建推进模式的转变是重要着力点,党内民主是必由之路。     

宪法至上与中国共产党的领导

在依法治国的方略确定之后 ,宪法至高无上地位的确立和坚持中国共产党对国家的领导 ,是中国实现社会主义法治的关键所在。中国共产党的各级党的组织 ,是维护宪法至上的最主要力量。宪法最能体现最广大人民群众的意志 ,宪法由人民制订是宪法至上性的根本所在。按照中国特色的执政党与宪法的关系理论 ,宪法至上不仅不会动摇执政党的地位 ,反而会巩固和提高执政党即中国共产党的领导地位。     

Party cues and incumbent assessments under multilevel governance

Politicians' party membership allows voters to overcome incomplete information issues. In this article, we maintain that such ‘party cues’ in multilevel governance structures also induce voters to incorporate their assessment of incumbents at one level of government into their assessment of incumbents at other levels of government. Moreover, we argue that these assessment ‘spillovers’ increase in magnitude with voters' level of political information. They become particularly prominent for voters with higher levels of political knowledge and interest as well as during election periods (when information is less costly and more readily available). Empirical analyses using survey data from Germany covering the period 1990 to 2018 corroborate our theoretical propositions.     

党校推行案例教学法的探索

党校推行案例教学法是创新培训方法、提高领导干部执政能力的有效途径,是党校落实理论联系实际教学方针的重要环节,是党校师生互动共赢的一种高质量的教学手段。党校推行案例教学法分准备、实施两个阶段。党校推行案例教学法,一要提高教师自身的综合素质;二要建设党校案例库;三要提供必须的案例教学条件;四要营造良好的案例教学环境。     

Mixing Habermas with Bayes: Methodological and Theoretical Advances in the Study of Deliberation

Two challenges stand out in the study of deliberation: the development of appropriate methodological tools and the development of more unified analytical frameworks. On the one hand, analysing deliberative processes is demanding and time‐consuming; hence we tend to have only few and non‐randomly selected cases at the group or context level. In addition, the real world of deliberation presents us with a complex matrix of nested, cross‐classified, and repeated speakers. This article shows that Bayesian multi‐level modelling provides an elegant way to tackle these methodological problems. On the other hand, we attempt to enrich comparative institutionalism with individual characteristics and psychologically relevant variables (such as group composition). Focusing on Swiss and German parliamentary debates we show that institutional factors ‐ in particular, consensus systems ‐, the gender composition of committees and plenary sessions, and age matter for the quality of deliberation. Furthermore, we also show that partisan affiliation ‐ government or opposition status of MPs ‐ affects deliberative quality and can refine institutional arguments. We conclude that a multi‐level approach to deliberation focusing on contextual and actor‐related characteristics and using Bayesian hierarchical modelling paves the way toward a more advanced understanding ‐ and methodological handling ‐ of deliberative processes.     

英国“第三条道路”评析—兼评布莱尔十年执政之功过

布莱尔十年执政中铸就了一个第三条道路的时代。"第三条道路"是界于欧美现实资本主义的两种模式———美国的新自由主义模式和欧洲大陆的社会民主主义模式之间的一种资本主义模式。在"第三条道路"新型理念的引导下,布莱尔在政治、经济、外交、社会诸多方面取得了成就,备受称赞与好评;但布莱尔在战争与丑闻方面屡犯错误,这也使他备遭非议与责难。布莱尔执政十年的功过是非,从长远来看,应该是功大于过。     

中共八大前后刘少奇对执政党建设的卓越贡献

1949年中华人民共和国成立,中国共产党成为全国的执政党,面临的形势和任务发生了重大变化。在新的历史条件下,党如何继续保持先进性和纯洁性,巩固党的执政地位,充分发挥党的领导作用,成为摆在全党面前的重大课题。刘少奇同志作为党和国家的主要领导人,对加强执政党建设进行了深刻的思索,取得了丰硕的成果。     

Whatever Happened to the Progressive Century?

In the mid-1990s, after eighteen years of Conservative rule, there was much talk about the prospects for a progressive century. Tony Blair, under the tutelage of Roy Jenkins, made it clear that he wanted to end the schism on the centre-left. Paddy Ashdown saw the same opportunity. Ironically, the electorate's desire to kick out the Conservatives and vote in progressives of any stripe delivered a Labour landslide that made cooperation impossible for Blair and Ashdown. Some progressive policies, notably on the constitution, have been implemented, but the political and intellectual roots to create a progressive century have yet to be properly established. Foreign policy divisions, especially on Iraq, have made this much more difficult. This article looks at the prospects for progressives—under new leadership—up to and after the next election in terms of ideas and policy.