新生社会阶层中党员先进分子党性锻炼的现实思考

新生社会阶层的迅速扩大,要求我们党不断探索、研究和解决中国社会发展所面临的新情况、新问题。及时扩大党的群众基础,引导教育好各种非传统职业和新生社会阶层党员先进分子是摆在我党面前需要认真思考的现实问题。     

Is the party system affected by booms and busts? Not very much

The literature on party system fragmentation emphasizes how political institutions and social cleavages shape the long-term development of the party system, but short-term swings in economic performance could change the level of electoral fragmentation by affecting the concentration of the vote in the executive. Time series data from presidential elections in 59 countries and from district-level legislative election contests in 22 countries show that a growing economy is negatively associated with the effective number of parties winning votes: a strong economy leads to a slight reduction in fragmentation as the ruling party consolidates its rule while a weak economy tends to disperse votes among alternatives to it. But the effect of economic performance relative to political institutions and the incumbency advantage is at the margins. The modest size of this effect should remind scholars of the limits of the economy as an overall driver of voter choice. Keywords: Economic Voting, Party System Fragmentation, Duverger’s Hypothesis.     

Representing the national economic agenda in Latin America: Variation by fat and lean times and party brands

Representation is greater when legislators and voters agree on the national agenda. Under what conditions are higher degrees of “issue priority representation” more likely? Our answer focuses on economic conditions and party branding dynamics, and the case of Latin America. With mass and elite survey data we show that economic hard times and left-leaning preferences increase the prioritization of economic issues. We likewise document fairly high levels of economic issue priority representation in most of Latin America. From the perspective of democratic quality, evidence of representation in this domain is good news; yet, variation does exist. Consistent with our argument that party branding dynamics matter, we find that leftist and centrist parties tend to over-prioritize economic issues relative to their supporters, and the reverse for rightist parties. Further, we find a significant interaction between economic conditions and the ideological brand of parties: in economic downturns the left and the center are more likely to express a strong commitment to economic performance, whereas the right is less responsive to lean times.     

Explaining the effective number of parties: Beyond the standard model

This study casts new light on the conditions determining the effective number of parties in elections. The state-of-the-art mostly considers the interaction between the permissiveness of the electoral system and social heterogeneity, labelled the standard model. This study argues that we should move beyond the standard model and also consider voters’ short term ideological preferences as well as the diversity of issues on the party system agenda. Moreover, the effects of these variables are expected to be conditioned by electoral system permissiveness. The hypotheses are examined on the basis of a longitudinal dataset containing information on 696 elections that took place in 79 countries between 1945 and 2011. Importantly, the hypotheses could only be confirmed on institutionalized party systems.     

On the mismeasurement of sincere and strategic voting in mixed-member electoral systems

Under mixed systems, voters cast two votes to elect the same legislative body: one vote for parties using proportional rules and one for candidates using majoritarian rules. Voters are said to cast straight-tickets if the candidate they vote for is of the same party as their proportional vote; otherwise, they are said to cast split-tickets. Split-ticket voting is commonly used as a measure of strategic voting as splitters are usually assumed to express their true preference in one vote but vote strategically in the other. This study challenges this practice showing that split-ticket voting does not necessarily indicate strategic voting, just as straight-ticket voting does not necessarily indicate a sincere vote. This result has wider consequences as it indicates that measuring strategic voting from observed behaviour can result in incorrect conclusions about vote choice.     

Ideology and strategic party disloyalty in the US house of representatives

We offer a theory of strategic party disloyalty to explain roll call voting in the US House. Our theory suggests that ideologically extreme legislators become markedly less loyal to their party when it controls the majority. They stake out positions that align with the views of their extreme constituents when policy is likely to move in their direction. In contrast, ideological moderates become noticeably more loyal when they transition to the majority. Examining 35 years of ideal point estimates and measures of party unity on roll calls, we find clear evidence that member strategy, ideology, and legislative agenda setting interact to structure the frequency of defections. Further, we find evidence that defection and ideology interact to influence subsequent electoral outcomes.     

按照“三个代表”的要求加强农村党支部的建设

在新的历史时期 ,我们要按江泽民总书记提出的“三个代表”的要求 ,加强农村党支部的思想建设 ,坚定党员的理想信念 ;加强农村党支部的民主政治建设 ,改进支部的领导方法和执政方式 ;加强农村党支部的组织建设 ,发挥支部的战斗堡垒作用 ;加强农村党支部的作风建设 ,密切党群关系 ,巩固执政基础。。     

论全面加强共产党人的精神支柱建设

精神支柱是人的理想、道德和信念的内在支撑 ,是国家和民族发展的精神动力。加强中国共产党人的精神支柱建设 ,理论建设是思想基础 ,理想建设是价值追求 ,道德建设是伦理约束 ,民族精神建设是民族特色 ,执政党建设是政治实体。     

中国共产党的三大历史贡献

８０年来,我党主要有三大历史贡献：完成了反帝反封建反官僚资本主义的任务,结束了半殖民地半封建社会的历史;消灭了剥削制度和剥削阶级,确立了社会主义制度;开创了建设有中国特色的社会主义道路,逐步迈向社会主义现代化。对这段历程进行回顾与反思,对于加强中国共产党的建设具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

新时代良好政治生态的构成及营造途径

政治生态具有系统性、开放性、脆弱性、分化性和竞争性特征,基于系统工程理论和"四梁八柱"理论研究政治生态,有利于良好政治生态的营造。从理论、政策、实践三个层面梳理了营造良好政治生态的逻辑导向,从制度、行为、意识层面梳理了政治生态的内在标识,从重视坚定理想信念、强化监督问责、坚持正确用人导向、严明党的纪律、推进制度创新等方面提出营造良好政治生态的有效途径。