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121.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(2):258-279
We investigate how Eastern Ohio landowners affected by the recent boom in high‐volume hydraulic fracturing (HVHF) view the industry and the factors that affect their attitudes. Our unique sample almost exclusively contains individuals whose land is under lease for and/or experiencing HVHF. Nation‐ and state‐wide surveys that investigate HVHF attitudes tend to find nearly even splits between opposed and supportive respondents, whose views are strongly influenced by political partisanship. These trends largely do not manifest among Eastern Ohio landowners, for whom personal experiences with HVHF crucially influence attitudes. Most respondents support HVHF and say it has benefited their community economically. Political partisanship does not significantly impact HVHF views. Contrary to arguments in the literature that economic considerations drive variation in support for HVHF, landowners’ support for the industry also appears influenced by perceptions of its environmental and infrastructure impacts. Environmental concerns appear to more powerfully shape attitudes than economic benefits.  相似文献   
122.
Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS) is one of the most widely adopted clean energy policies in the U.S. However, organized elite power groups, backed by ample political and economic resources, have been known to lead RPS termination efforts. In the context of state renewable energy politics, organized elite power includes legislators affiliated with American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and anti-renewable energy business groups. Focusing on the roles of organized elite power, this study investigates the drivers of the formulation of RPS rollback (goal freeze) and termination bills, which we refer to collectively as negative policy experimentations. We find that RPS termination attempts are explained by the presence of ALEC legislators and anti-renewable energy business groups, whereas RPS goal freeze bills are better explained by conditions of policy operations. This study contributes to the policy process theory by providing critical insights into the post adoption decisions, including policy termination and rollback legislations, with a focus on the role of organized elite power.  相似文献   
123.
The basic concept of law which was built on that of the state’s sovereignty has been transformed in such a way that can be no longer recognised as operable in the reality of politics. a great number of social changes have contributed to such a transformation; such as politic and internal social pluralism, the latter contradicts the idea of sovereignty and cohesion; the establishment of alternative centres of power which coexist with the state; the institutionalisation of contexts integrate their branches of power beyond those of the state –and consequently, they are becoming unavailable both for individual states-; and for individuals to claim their rights before international jurisdictions. This paperwork analyses formal legal sources from this perspective.  相似文献   
124.
P2P技术给互联网带来了巨大的变化,它大大的拓展了网络的应用范围,但它的过度使用也占用了大量的带宽资源,影响到局域网中其他用户的正常网络应用,必须对其进行必要的限制。本文重点探讨如何利用软件路由器来实现局域网内部的流量控制,达到带宽资源的合理均衡分配。  相似文献   
125.
Mit dem am 1. 7. 2007 in Kraft getretenen Sachwalterrechts-?nderungsgesetz (SWR?G) 2006 wurden die §§ 284b bis 284e in das ABGB eingefügt und damit die Vertretungsbefugnis n?chster Angeh?riger geschaffen. Der Beitrag er?rtert einige dogmatisch interessante, zugleich aber auch praxisrelevante Fragen, die dieses vollkommen neuartige Rechtsinstitut aufwirft.  相似文献   
126.
从司法判例入手,讨论原因与条件之间的逻辑关联性是认识因果关系理论的新视角。当一个现象(事由)成为另一个现象(事由)的必要条件同时又是其充分条件时,这样的条件就构成法律视野中的原因,这样的条件(现象)与后续现象(结果)之间构成因果关系。  相似文献   
127.
128.
Amidst congressional gridlock, administrative rulemaking is the main pathway for environmental policy making. Scholars have assessed the role of the institutions of government (the president, Congress, and the courts) and key interest groups (i.e., business and environmental interests) in shaping rulemaking outcomes. What is missing from this literature is an assessment of the role of key implementers, state environmental agencies. This research fills this gap by assessing the role and impact of state government agencies in three case studies of rulemaking at the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Based on original interviews and a public comment analysis, this research suggests that state agencies play an active and influential role in EPA rulemaking. And, in some cases, state agencies wield more influence than other interest groups. Interviewees argued that this influence stems from these agencies’ unique voice as an implementation collaborator. As a result, researchers should incorporate an assessment of the role of these interests to more effectively explain regulatory outcomes at the EPA and potentially across the bureaucracy.  相似文献   
129.
What is the relationship between political institutions and air pollution generated by the power sector? Here we focus on the association between democracy and power generated from coal, the most polluting of all fossil fuels. Using a new dataset on coal‐fired power plants commissioned between 1980 and 2016 in 71 countries, we find that the relationship between democracy and coal varies according to the environmental Kuznets curve logic. Democratic political institutions at lower levels of economic development are correlated with increased commissioning of coal power plants, as governments seek to appeal to an electorate prioritizing economic growth and affordable energy access. As a country becomes richer, democracy comes to have a negative association with coal power, as clean air becomes a more salient issue for the public.  相似文献   
130.
Information and communications technologies (ICTs) include old technologies—such as the radio and the television—as well as newer technologies—such as the Internet and wireless telephony. This study considers the process that the government of Uganda has used to adopt and implement ICT policy. This study also considers the techniques which the government of Uganda has used to distribute ICTS in public locations such as government offices, schools, and hospitals. In particular, this study attempts to consider the political motivations for distribution. The Ugandan government's attempt to distribute this technology reflects strengths in the area of distribution of artefacts, particularly to rural areas. Information and communications technologies are an important part of the Ugandan economy. In addition, ICTs strengthen the ability of citizens to communicate with each other across regional and language borders through shared access points. Methodologically, this paper uses the case study method. Semi‐structured interviews were conducted with politicians, policy makers, civil society activists, citizens, academics, medical personnel, regional government officials, and business people. This paper argues that politicians use ICTs as a component of a basket of goods and services that they can distribute to witnessing publics. This paper argues that ICT should be viewed as a type of infrastructure, and that as a public good, it can be used as a “club” good or “pork.” Although several authors discuss the potential of ICTs as democratizing, this paper documents that the Ugandan government has employed ICTs in oppressive ways, including for the surveillance of opposition leaders, and for social control.  相似文献   
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