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161.
在关于政治参与影响政治效能感的研究中,国外学者发展出了"工具说"、"发展说"和"结果说"三种解释框架。虽然三种解释不尽相同,但学者普遍认为积极的政治参与对政治效能感有一定的正面影响,尽管影响的因素、程度和范围存在不同。本文基于浙江省闾村实证调研,发现选举式的参与活动(参与投票、参与竞选活动、投票给当选者、参与当选者的助选活动)均未能显著影响政治效能感和村民效能感。甚至在村民的投票行为与主观期望的结果相一致时(投票给当选者、参与当选者的助选活动),亦未能发现其对效能感的显著影响。  相似文献   
162.
Abstract: The rate of turnover within parliaments remains an understudied area of research. The present paper contributes to filling this gap by presenting the first comparable macro‐level data on legislative turnover in the 26 Swiss cantonal legislatures. In examining the strikingly different levels of turnover in sub‐national Swiss parliaments between 1993 and 2011, the focus is on politico‐institutional features. Multilevel models reveal that two hitherto neglected institutional variables are correlated with legislative turnover. In addition to the reduction of parliamentary size, we find the strength of a cantonal parliament to affect turnover rates on the Swiss sub‐national level. Moreover, we show that proportional representation significantly promotes parliamentary elite circulation. Among the non‐institutional covariates, we find that electoral volatility is also relevant in explaining legislative turnover rates.  相似文献   
163.
In this article, it is proposed to differentiate political cultures in two dimensions. First, inspired by Habermas' distinction of the contents of discourse, a distinction is suggested between moral, ethical‐political and pragmatic elements of political culture as well as of an element of culture of balancing interests. Second, inspired by Kohlberg's stage models for the development of the individual moral consciousness and for moral culture, a distinction is similarly suggested between two pre‐conventional, two conventional and two post‐conventional collective stages of political culture. It can be shown that from a normative point of view, only deliberations made in a post‐conventional political culture can produce reasonable or at least fair results. Conceptual considerations indicate processes of direct democracy as the method for promoting post‐conventional political cultures. The more liberty that the citizens have to formulate and trigger processes of direct democracy, the more one can expect from them to generate post‐conventional political cultures.  相似文献   
164.
165.
扩大政治参与与政治和谐   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
政治参与是社会主义政治文明建设的重要内容,政治和谐是政治文明建设所要达到的理想目标,在一般情况下,扩大公民政治参与有助于政治和谐,但是二者的关系是复杂的。必须正确地处理二者的关系,才能形成扣谐的政治局面,为构建社会主义和谐社会打下坚实的政治基础。  相似文献   
166.
印尼是海外华人最多的一个国家。在印尼的华人中,客家人约占了30-40%,因此,也可以说印尼是海外客家人最多的一个国家。印尼的客家人,尤其是聚居在印尼外岛地区的客家人,虽然在海外已经生活了几代人甚至十几代人,但仍然保留了比较浓重的客家人特征,或者叫客家特性。本文主要探讨居住在山口洋市的客家人的社会变迁和文化适应,探究他们的生活方式,研究这里的客家人与其他华人的差别。  相似文献   
167.
群众路线是共产党的根本工作路线和组织路线的统一,是被经验证明正确的党的认识路线。中国共产党与人民群众的互动过程即群众路线的实践过程,这一过程主要包括政治动员和政治整合两个层面。政治动员是群众路线实践的政治基础,政治整合是群众路实践的政治目标,有效的政治动员和政治整合过程共同推动群众路线的丰富和实践。为推动群众路线实践的丰富发展,关键在于群众路线中的政治动员和政治整合在党的执政水平、群众的政治参与、机制实践的路径拓宽和道德规范及意识形态的构建这些方面应得到进一步完善和发展。  相似文献   
168.
刘霞 《行政与法》2014,(5):64-68
新媒体时代的到来,改变了信息传播的方式,改变了人们的生活、生产方式,给社会管理创新带来了机遇和挑战.新媒体视角下,如何推进社会管理创新,是当前各级政府面临的重大课题.社会管理者应树立现代媒体意识,运用新媒体技术,预防和减少社会矛盾,改进社会管理方式,以实现社会治理的科学化.  相似文献   
169.
ABSTRACT

Institutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. An important characteristic of an institution’s purpose is its deontic status, i.e. whether it is morally impermissible, merely permissible, or mandatory. Although this matters, it does so in some non-obvious ways; the mere fact of a morally impermissible purpose is not necessarily delegitimating, for example. I also consider the problem of conflicting, multiple, and contested institutional purposes, and the different theoretical roles for institutional purpose. Understanding how differences in purpose matter for an institution’s legitimacy is one part of the broader project of theorizing institutional legitimacy in the many contexts beyond the traditional context of the state.  相似文献   
170.
Abstract

One key marker of mass social movements transitioning to participatory democratic governance is popular media access. This essay argues that democratic media access by public constituencies becomes a site for constructing social revolution and simultaneously a manifest empirical measure of the extent of democratic participation in the production, distribution, and use of communication with new cultural possibilities. The participatory production practices (with citizens producing and hosting their own programs) and the democratic content (of oral histories, local issues, critiques of government and business, and everyday vernacular) reflect the hegemony of emerging ‘Bolivarian’ twenty-first century socialism expressed as popular participation in media production. Bolstered by constitutional changes and public funding, popular social movements of civil society, indigenous, women, and working class organizations have gained revolutionary ground by securing in practice the right of media production. Findings indicate that public and community media (that move beyond alternative sites of local expression and concerns) provide a startling revolutionary contrast to the commercial media operations in every nation. Popular media constructions suggest a new radically democratic cultural hegemony based on human solidarity with collective, participatory decision-making and cooperation offering real possibilities and experiences for increased equality and social justice.  相似文献   
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