浅析美欧政治文化与伊拉克战争

政治文化是某个国家或民族文化与历史传统长期积淀而成的政治观念方面的综合体系,表现出一个政治系统的基本政治倾向。美欧的政治文化既表现在双方对国内政治和国际政治的认知上,也贯穿于各自的历史进程中。美欧在伊拉克战争问题上表现出来的针锋相对的态势,显示出双方迥然不同的政治文化传统。美国的霸权倾向与欧洲的制衡传统产生剧烈的摩擦和碰撞。伊拉克战争既为双方政治文化冲突提供了导火索,也为两者弘扬各自外交理念提供了平台。     

关于构建政治工作计算机综合评估模型的探讨

如何对政治工作的效能和效益进行科学的评估,是政治工作领域中人们长期以来一直想解决而又难以解决的复杂性问题之一。模糊数学为建立政治工作计算机综合评估模型指明了道路和前景,也为解决政治工作效能和效益评估等诸多复杂性问题提供了新的思路和方法。     

领导的内在结构和领导活动规律解析

领导构成有权力、责任和服务三大要素;政治领导、组织领导和思想领导是我们党执政的三种基本类型,但从广义的领导范畴来说,领导的类型并不仅仅限于这三种。作为一个完整的领导活动,领导是由三个最基本的实体构成的,即:领导者、被领导者和作用对象。领导活动的三个规律可表述为:合力集成规律、同心圆规律和镜面反射规律。     

全球化背景下的缅甸政治危机

在一场佛教僧侣和学生带头的和平示威平息之后,美国参议院一致通过决议强烈要求东盟暂停缅甸的会员资格,缅甸问题成为东盟会议关注的焦点.经过磋商,东盟最终拒绝了美国参议院要求东盟暂停成员资格以惩罚缅甸军政府的要求.新加坡总理李显龙在峰会开幕仪式致词时说:"东盟将努力防止缅甸问题成为我们加深一体化和建立东盟共同体的障碍."     

Does Workplace Experience Enhance Political Participation? A Critical Test of a Venerable Hypothesis

Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.

Why Do Experienced Challengers Do Better than Amateurs?

Politically experienced challengers are more successful in seeking political office than amateurs. The relationship is found so regularly that political experience has become the standard ex ante indicator of challenger quality in studies of American elections. Despite this, little work has investigated why experienced challengers are so successful. Many scholars attribute the relationship to inherent differences between experienced challengers and amateurs: experienced challengers have stronger electoral skills and greater access to material resources. I argue that these differences play a role, but an indirect one. Rather, experienced challengers are lead by both their resource advantage and the high amount of risk they are exposed to in seeking office to run in races in which their party has a good chance of winning. Thus, the direct cause of the experienced challengers’ success is self-selection into winnable races. Empirical analysis supports the self-selection model over a model in which resources directly lead to success.

党政机构合并背景下的预算问题研究

2018年进行的党和国家机构改革对我国现行预算制度提出了新的挑战,现行预算制度无法适应机构改革的新情况。党政合并后的新机构属于党的机构体系,不再属于政府机构体系,而现行预算制度的约束主体是政府,无法约束合并后的新机构。由于预算完整性和新机构职能的公共性等原因,新机构应当受到国家法律组成的预算制度的约束,预算制度需要配合机构改革进行调整,党内法规不应成为新机构预算行为的规范来源。机构改革强调党的领导是上层领导,并不影响人大预算职权的具体执行,虽然新机构属于党的机构,但由于其参与行政活动,行使国家权力,使用国家财政经费,故仍需接受人大的预算审查监督。     

调解兴衰与当代中国法院政治功能的变迁——以《最高人民法院工作报告》(1981年-2010年)为对象

上世纪80年代以来,中国调解制度经历了"着重调解———自愿调解———调解优先"的过程。在着重调解阶段,法院具有动员人们参与有中国特色社会主义建设和法律现代化的进程,消解经济发展带来的民众脱离政治依附性的离心力的政治功能;在自愿调解阶段,法院具有进一步强化中国特色社会主义建设和法律现代化这一基本方向的政治功能;在调解优先阶段,法院具有重新恢复民众对于社会现代化和法律现代化信心的政治动员功能。     

当代马华报刊文本中的华族政治参与意识表达

本文通过对《星洲日报》和《南洋商报》及其他马华主要报刊相关言论和社论的文本分析,揭示了20世纪80-90年代期间马来西亚华人政治参与意识的变化,包括民主政治思想的启蒙,民主政治实践的探索,以及超越种族政治的发展变化过程。     

Explaining the Reversed Gender Gap in Political Consumerism: Personality Traits as Significant Mediators

Research on political consumerism documents a persistent reversed gender gap, as women boycott and buycott products more often than men. Previous efforts to explain the reversed gender gap rely on classical theoretical models developed to illuminate gender differences in political participation in general. Accounting for socio‐economic and situational factors as well as socialization leaves a significant amount of the reversed gender gap unexplained, though. Adhering to recent empirical evidence of personality as an important factor influencing political behavior, we argue that gender differences in personality traits could provide an alternative explanation to account for gender disparities in political consumerism. We use original survey data specially designed to measure political consumerism in Switzerland, which also include the Big Five model of personality. We find empirical evidence that gender differences in personality traits, in particular agreeableness, explain a significant portion of the reversed gender gap in political consumerism.