当代中国政治思潮：根源与演进

当代中国政治思潮既是当代中国政治发展的一面镜子,又是驱动当代中国政治发展的重要思想资源.当代中国政治思潮的产生与演进,是与当代中国政治、经济和社会的变动紧密联系在一起的.政治学的恢复、社会变革、知识群体的兴起以及知识生产、传播体系的变化,是刺激当代中国政治思潮产生的直接根源.当代中国政治思潮的演进经历了以下几个阶段:(1)价值重估运动和权威体系改造运动:对改革开放时代的早期回应;(2)国家一社会关系重构运动:对市场化的回应;(3)改革政府运动:对市场化与经济全球化的理性回应;(4)民族主义与民族复兴运动:后冷战时代对全球化的政治回应四个阶段.在不同的历史阶段,当代中国政治思潮具有不同的关怀和政治属性.     

What voters want from their parties: Testing the promise-keeping assumption

How should party governments make representative democracy? Much of the democracy representation literature assumes that voters prefer parties to fulfill the promises of their election campaigns, with higher preference for promise-keeping placed on the party a voter supports. That voters agree with these assumptions, however, remains largely unclear and this is the main hypothesis of this article. Within the context of Australia, this article investigates voter preferences regarding three ideal party representative styles: promise-keeping, focus on public opinion, and seeking the common good. Furthermore, it tests whether voters prefer their party – over other parties – to keep their promises. Based on novel and innovative survey data, this study finds that, generally, voters care least about parties keeping their promises and their preferences are unaffected by their party support. These results, if confirmed in other contexts, not only challenge the primacy of promise-keeping, but also the assumed ubiquitous party effect.     

What consideration sets can teach us about electoral competition: A two-hurdle model

Consideration set models (CSMs) offer a novel way to study electoral behavior. Until now, they have been mostly studied at the micro-level of the voter's decision process. By contrast, we focus on the implications of CSMs for understanding the phenomenon of party competition. We propose a two hurdle model whereby parties compete for both consideration and selection, pursuant the consideration and choice stages of the CSM. We operationalize these hurdles in terms of a party's inclusivity—is it being considered?—and exclusivity—is it considered on its own?—and formally derive lower- and upper-bounds for the electoral fortunes of the party. We also show how consideration set data can be used to sketch the competition landscape in an election and to characterize the system-wide competitiveness of a political system. We illustrate our concepts and ideas using data from the 2010 Dutch and 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections.     

政治文明研究综述

本文就近期学术界关于政治文明的有关论述,从政治文明的概念、地位,社会主义政治文明的历史方位和价值取向,以及建设社会主义政治文明的意义、现实取向和路径选择等方面的学理和实践问题进行了综合评述,并针对性地提出了进一步研究的思路。     

论中共中央政治局集体学习制度

中共中央政治局集体学习制度是一项重大的制度创新.本文剖析了新一届中央政治局从首次集体学习到最近一次集体学习以来23次学习的主要内容,论述了中央政治局集体学习制度的特点和伟大意义.     

市场经济条件下公安民警思想政治工作的几点思考

市场经济体制促进了我国经济的发展,但公安民警的思想政治工作却遇到了新的挑战.在新的历史条件下,思想政治工作在内容上必须做到联系实际、具体、务实,在形式上必须做到有感染力、有活力、有针对性等.     

全球化视野中的国家主权

在新世纪人类面临的各种问题与挑战中 ,全球化与国家主权的冲突具有特别重要的意义。全球化对国家的经济主权、政治主权和文化主权造成了不同程度的冲击与影响 ,导致传统的国家主权理论遭受侵蚀。发展中国家在全球化浪潮中不仅应反对西方国家干涉主权的各种企图 ,而且还要摒弃传统的绝对主权观念。     

Comparative grand corruption and protection pacts among elites: the cases of Ao Man Long in Macao and Hui Si-Yan in Hong Kong

Although Transparency International has consistently ranked the governments of both the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) and Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR), both under the sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), much higher on the clean governance scale than the PRC itself, the reality is that the two special administrative regions witnessed two prominent cases of political corruption comparable to the mainland corruption. These were the Ao Man Long case in Macao and the Rafael Hui Si-yan scandal in Hong Kong. This paper examines the two cases of political corruption in both Macao and Hong Kong and makes comparisons and contrasts between them. It argues that individual greed contributed to the two cases of high-level bureaucratic (grand) corruption in Macao and Hong Kong, implying that institutional safeguards against corruption, such as the establishment of anti-corruption commissions, and the scrutiny of the mass media, are by no means adequate. In other words, institutional mechanisms against corruption in the HKSAR and MSAR do have loopholes that need to be plugged. Moreover, protection pacts between a minority of government officials and the business elites can be formed because of their close personal connections, strengthening the possibility of grand corruption.     

思想政治工作要贯彻好“与时俱进”原则

思想政治工作"与时俱进"原则的精髓就是解放思想、实事求是,就是从群众中来,到群众中去.它既是马克思主义的思想路线和科学方法论的核心,也是思想政治工作必须把握好的基本原则.要在思想政治工作实践中真正贯彻好"与时俱进"原则,关键要在理论和实践上做到以下"四个适当"一、思想政治工作的定位要适当,对思想政治工作地位和作用的理解要"适当",这是贯彻好思想政治工作"与时俱进"原则的前提;二、思想政治工作在举措上要"适当",即政策对路,措施得力,落到实处,要"管用".这是贯彻好思想政治工作"与时俱进"原则的关键环节;三、先导性是思想政治工作把握度量、体现"适当"的基本要求,也是贯彻"与时俱进"原则的重要内容;四、思想政治工作在覆盖范围上的适当性要求.顺应思想政治工作的时代性要求,建立健全覆盖全社会的思想政治工作网络,是在实践中贯彻好"与时俱进"原则的题中应有之意.     

北京奥运会的政治遗产

在7年的奥运会筹备过程中,一个减少官僚化的政府、具有使命感的政府、面向公众的政府、面向市场的政府和清正廉洁的中国政府形象得以逐步呈现。这笔珍贵的北京奥运会政治遗产应在当前的政府改革中得到继承和进一步发扬。