网络传播对青年民警思想政治工作影响的新思考

网络正在以巨大的信息容量和快速同步的传幅方式对社会、经济、政治、文化等诸多领域造成影响。网络具有散布性、全球性、开放性、即时性、综合性等特点,也给新时期青年民警思政工作带来难得的机遇和严峻的挑战。利用网络的特性,以“网络政工”为触手,发挥技术优势,采用灵活多样的手段,可以提高青年民警政治思想工作的科技含量。遵从网络发展客观规律,从科技化、信息化和建立现代队伍管理制度的高度出发,以建设精干、高效政工队伍为理念,可以造就出符合时代特点的新型政工网络。     

Understanding Political Knowledge and its Influence on Voting Preferences in the 2007 Federal Election

In this article we propose a model to explain how voters’ perceptions of their ideological proximity to a party affect their propensity to vote for that party. We argue that political knowledge plays a crucial moderating role in the relationship between party proximity and voting propensity. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between institutional knowledge (information about the political system) and party knowledge (information about the parties’ left–right positions). An analysis of survey data from the 2007 Swiss federal elections supports our main hypothesis that party knowledge enhances the link between party proximity and voting propensity. Institutional knowledge may have additional influence, but clear evidence for this effect was obtained only for propensities to vote for the Swiss People's Party (SVP). Overall, the impact of political knowledge was found to be substantial, even after controlling for the outstanding influence of party identification and other predictors of voting propensities.     

新型政党制度所蕴含的中国智慧

中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是从中国土壤中生长出来的新型政党制度,充分汲取了中国传统民本智慧、和合智慧、包容智慧,展现出了无与伦比的内在优越性,实现了群众根本利益与群体特殊利益的有机统一、实现了政党关系的非对称性和谐、实现了通过政党协商进行科学民主决策、实现了集中力量办大事,从而克服了垄断型一党制和竞争型两党制、多党制的固有弊端。作为和谐型多党制的新型政党制度充分展现了中国智慧,为世界政党制度发展与进步提供了新方向和新选择。     

Understanding the political goals of non-binding resolutions: evidence from the Mexican Chamber of Deputies

By primarily focusing on bill initiatives, the literature on legislatures and parliaments has understudied other important legislative instruments -such as non-binding resolutions, minutes or speeches- which might help parties and legislators achieve their electoral and policy goals. Non-binding resolutions (NBRs) do not carry the force of law and are primarily used for parties or legislators’ position taking and the request of government actions. This article examines the political goals of NBRs by examining these tools in the lower chamber of the Mexican Congress. Employing a novel dataset, we claim that legislators strategically utilise NBRs to strengthen their relationship with their political principals. We find differences on the use of these instruments across political parties, based on the types of policy areas they choose to target. The analysis also indicates that SMD legislators tend to introduce more particularistic NBRs that might further their political careers at the subnational level.     

政治特性、效率误区与发展空间--非政府组织的现实主义理性审视

非政府组织的乐观主义者在强调该类组织对政府失灵和市场失灵的有益补充时,也或多或少地陷入了两个误区即忽视了其组织具有的政治性特性,并对其组织效率给予了过高的期望.试图从现实主义的视角,来阐述非政府组织作为一种相对独立并拥有一定社会基础的民间组织所具有的政治功能和作用,以及在组织效率方面可能存在的缺失.并认为,非政府组织对双重失灵的补充性,以及其政治特性和效率缺失,共同构成了其组织与政府之间存在的复杂关系,这种复杂关系在相当程度上决定了非政府组织发展空间的限度.     

宪政在政治文明中的地位和作用

政治文明以民主政治制度为核心 ,以实施宪法、实行法治、制约权力为保障。宪政是以民主政治和法治为基础 ,是宪法规范及其实施并对具体的政治和社会生活产生现实影响的产物 ,是现代政治文明进步的结果和标志。宪政对政治文明具有保障民主政治的运行、建立和维护社会正常的政治秩序、制约政府权力、保护公民权利等方面的作用。树立宪政意识、实行法治和党的依法执政等是政治文明建设中急需完善的主要问题。     

进步还是倒退?——政治发展视野下的缅甸2010年选举

从政治发展角度讲,缅甸2010的选举更多地意味着一种倒退。该选举赋予了军人集团的政治垄断以正当性。这样的结果之所以会出现,全国民主联盟的错误选择是其中一个重要的原因。选举后的缅甸新政权,虽然依然会面临来自西方国家的强大压力,但来自亚洲一些国家的支持,则会给缅甸的新政权提供有力的支撑。展望未来,缅甸的政治发展之路将十分艰难。     

The price of personalizing politics: Political distrust and economic performance in Latin America, 1996–2006

While research has provided evidence that culture and institutional performance shape individual level trust in political institutions, scholars have neglected to adequately estimate the effect of political institutions and macroeconomic conditions on trust. Using data from the World Value Surveys for eleven Latin American cases, we test if countries with “partyizing” electoral systems - those with rules that encourage voters to hold the party, not individuals, accountable for government performance - experience lower levels of distrust in political parties and the legislature in times of poor economic conditions than those countries with “personalizing” electoral rules. Our analysis shows that the macro political and economic context largely conditions the impact of culture and institutional performance on political trust.