论立法后评估的可靠性与有效性——兼评汪全胜教授《立法后评估研究》

立法后评估是衡量或检验一部立法质量高低的基本制度.因立法后评估具有重要的制度功能和意义,其可操作性的理论设计较为详备,以及对一些前沿性理论和制度的容纳,使得该制度“看上去很美”.然而,可靠性与有效性是立法后评估走向“实际很有效”必须面对的两个问题.尽管汪全胜教授等所著《立法后评估研究》对立法后评估的基础理论及如何操作进行系统论述,但没有从理论上有力解答评估的可靠性与有效性问题,尤其是如何保证评估信息的可靠与评估回应的有效.立法后评估实践中出现的一些不良现象也表明我们对可靠性与有效性的担忧是有道理的.对此,可通过重构评估主体模式以及改进评估方法和技术等方式,来增进立法后评估的可靠性与有效性.     

试析抗战后期泉州地方救侨行动

1941年12月太平洋战争爆发后,国民党泉州地方政府在福建省府领导下展开了一场救济侨胞的行动。这场行动包括生活救济和生产救济两个方面,试图为陷入生活困境的归侨侨眷提供帮助,然而由于缺乏制度上的约束和保障,以及贪污腐化、覆盖面窄等因素,致使救济行动无法发挥真正的成效。     

Toward Olympics 2008: China's development in the reform period

Owen Bennett-Jones presents ‘Newshour’ and ‘The Interview’ for BBC World Service Radio. He has reported from all over the world and was the BBC Correspondent in Islamabad between 1998 and 2001. He is currently preparing a second edition of his book Pakistan: Eye of the Storm.     

社会心理学与精神分析学及其后现代转向

社会心理学的孕育、产生和发展过程,得益于许多学科或知识领域的推动。尤其值得注意的是,它首先与现代精神分析学及作为其重要知识来源之一的精神病学之间存在着深刻的不解之缘。精神分析学在自身发展过程中的每一次重大进展都会对社会心理学的理论和方法产生不同的影响。精神分析学在20世纪下半叶发生的后现代转向,也或早或晚地涉入到社会心理学有关领域的发展中。其中一个重要结果就是后现代社会心理学的出现。后现代精神分析学既从心理学理论层面又从哲学认识论和方法论层面提供了孕育后现代社会心理学的动因。     

甲午战争对当代中日关系的影响——“甲午战争以来的中日关系”学术研讨会侧记

2014年8月在大连市召开了"甲午战争以来的中日关系"学术研讨会,来自全国各地的200余位专家、学者出席了会议。此次会议在"甲午战争对当代中日关系的影响"议题方面有一些新特点。一方面,研究的视角不断扩大,在以两国政治关系为切入点的研究基础上又增加了经济交往、思想文化、计量分析等新的视角,使甲午战争对当代中日关系影响的研究趋向多维化。另一方面,研究理论与方法亦呈现多样化,由于该议题涉及近代东北亚国家政治、经济、文化等诸多层面,因此围绕战争对当代中日关系影响的研究,除使用传统的实证史学、比较史学等方法外,还多运用现代化理论、国际关系学、地缘政治学等相关专业理论进行了交叉研究。此次会议展示了国内学界有关甲午战争研究的最新成果,对处理当代中日关系亦提供了有益的借鉴。     

Hearts and Minds: War Neurosis and the Politics of Madness in Anna Kavan's I Am Lazarus

Abstract

Anna Kavan's fictional portrayals of psychiatric breakdown and its treatment provide a unique perspective on the patient's experience of early to mid twentieth-century psychiatry. This article looks in detail at Kavan's time working with soldiers suffering from effort syndrome during the Second World War, observing how the solider-psychiatric patient becomes a figurehead for her radical politics in her Horizon article ‘The Case of Bill Williams’ (1944), and a prominent protagonist in her stories. Through close reading of her correspondence, her journalism and her wartime stories collected in I Am Lazarus (1945), it examines how the intersection of psychological trauma and physiological symptoms characteristic of effort syndrome surfaces in Kavan's writing of this period and in her own psychic responses to the war. It observes the importance of figurative language to her portrayal of war trauma and psychological breakdown, as her characters embody metaphor in their psychosomatic symptoms, and explores a twisted reconception of mind–body dualism prevalent throughout her writing of this period. It goes on to examine how the peculiar interaction of the physical and the psychological extends to the relationship between Kavan's characters and their external environment in her Blitz stories. Against the backdrop of the war-torn city, mind and body engage in ongoing conflict, affect and emotion bleed into her physical landscapes, and everyday objects become animated and hostile towards her protagonists.     

三种服务型政府观比较

当下中国学界与政界主要存在着三种服务型政府观,即基于政府价值理念的内涵定位和适应后工业社会治理要求的服务型政府观;基于政府价值理念的内涵定位和主要借鉴工业社会治理经验的服务型政府观;基于政府职能结构的内涵定位和主要借鉴工业社会治理经验的服务型政府观。它们在服务型政府的本质内涵、主要特征、兴起动因、理论基础等方面的阐释与定位都不尽相同。就目前所产生的实际效果而言,第一种服务型政府观理论目标相当宏大高远,但实践响应比较困难;第二种服务型政府观理论契合学界主流观点,但实践响应比较一般;第三种服务型政府观理论契合政界近期工作,且实践响应也较明显。梳理和比较这些不同的服务型政府观应当是推进和深化服务型政府研究的必要环节和重要任务。     

Argentine Nacionalismo before Perón: The Case of the Alianza de la Juventud Nacionalista, 1937–c. 1943

As the 1930s moved towards their close, a new generation of young men began to dominate the political wing of a generally more radical and assertive Argentine Nacionalismo, replacing the old guard that had found its inspiration in General José F. Uriburu and the regime he had led between September 1930 and February 1932. The Alianza de la Juventud Nacionalista, set up in September 1937, was the most important nacionalista faction of the period. It shared with other nacionalista factions the rejection of liberalism, parliamentary democracy and communism, but in contrast to the elitist and anti-popular orientation of earlier organisations, it aggressively tried to enlist popular support by portraying itself as a group genuinely concerned about the needs of the masses. The Alianza also distanced itself from the glorification of nineteenth-century Argentina, another hallmark of previous groups. Although it failed in its efforts to build up a significant following, the analysis nevertheless demonstrates that the organisation can be described as a genuinely fascist movement.     

太平洋战争期间日本对东南亚的贸易统制研究

1941年日本在发动太平洋战争的同时,开始对东南亚地区实行贸易统制政策,采取政府出台相关政策、军队和企业具体实施的方针,通过滥发军票等方式,以较低的价格进口东南亚各地的重要资源。日本的贸易统制政策虽然在短期内使日本与东南亚各地之间的贸易急剧增长,但却严重破坏了东南亚各地的产业结构和对外贸易,给东南亚各国造成巨大损失。     

The Cycle of Terror in Estonia, 1917–1919: On its Preconditions and Major Stages

World War I changed more than just the political map of Europe. One noteworthy consequence of the revolutions and war in East and Central Europe was the brutalization of human relations. Estonia saw three major “paroxysms” of violence in 1918–1919, which, although relatively limited in scale, are examples of the brutalization of human relations that occurred in the postwar period. The years 1918 and 1919 marked the first explosion of mass terror in Estonia, which led to the death of almost 2000 civilians. This article explores the preconditions and the stages of this terror focusing on the relationship between occupation, revolution, and land distribution. The author argues that the cycle of violence was unleashed by the radical transformation of landownership at the end of 1917. The previous owners often took advantage of the arrival of the German forces in February 1918 to exact revenge on those who had seized their property. The temporary return of the Bolsheviks at the beginning of the Estonian War of Independence was often seen as a pretext to avenge the injustices suffered under German occupation. The liberation of Estonia from the Red Army at the beginning of 1919 resulted in yet another wave of violence. The terror abated with the strengthening of state authority and the coming to power of a democratically elected government in April 1919.