延安时期党的创新精神初探

党在延安时期勇于创新的精神具有丰富内涵,这种精神体现在中国革命新道路的开辟上,体现在新民主主义理论的创立中,体现在军事斗争的创新上,体现在统一战线的创新中,体现在党的建设理论的创新中。这种创新精神对于我们有极大的借鉴作用。     

美国金融危机与东北地区金融发展策略

当人们对虚拟资本(比如次级债券)未来收益的现值丧失信心时,将纷纷抛售虚拟资本,追逐货币,货币内在矛盾激化,金融危机爆发。美国金融危机是信用危机,根源在于货币和资本内在矛盾的激化。东北地区经济对外开放度不高,金融机构发展迟缓、银行不良贷款水平较高、直接融资比重偏低,美国金融危机对东北地区经济和金融业的冲击不大。在美国金融危机背景下,东北地区金融发展策略包括防止不良贷款产生、促进具有区域特色的金融创新、加强企业直接融资、完善信用体系、加大对农村和中小企业的金融支持力度等。     

危机管理——中国危机管理的实践研究

危机管理学由欧美传入中国后，在本土化、务实化方面得到迅速发展，但在基本概念、危机分类等方面尚存在不同的认识。这些差异，使得中国的危机管理与国外的操作理念也有很大不同，但近年来，中国处在大发展、大变迁的重要时期，政府每天必须应对大量的危机事态，因此，危机管理在理论与实践上都出现了一系列重大发展，如危机管理的基本评估、管理方式以及研究过程中表现出的本土化、哲学化倾向。但是还要看到，要想使中国的危机管理进一步向前发展，还必须解决目前存在的缺机构、缺学者、缺人员等“十缺”问题。     

对当前主要大国安全战略调整的看法

面对国际金融危机冲击、全球性挑战凸显与新兴大国群体性崛起,面对异常多变的国际安全环境,美、俄、英、法、日、印纷纷强化安全战略谋划,意欲趋利避害、增强主动,主要大国安全战略调整既各有侧重、又不乏共同之处,全球化与多极化新时代的大国战略博弈将更为复杂激烈。     

公共危机治理：概念框架及启示

公共危机管理理论作为一种特殊的危机管理理论其发展需要一种全新的理论框架的支撑,以＂作为状态的危机认知＂和＂治理＂理念基础上的公共危机治理概念框架应运而生。公共危机治理概念框架作为一种不同于原有的公共危机管理模式的理论架构对我国公共危机应对策略的发展有着重要意义。     

Living Parallel Lives: Italy and Greece in an Age of Austerity

The economic crisis has triggered a process of political convergence between Italy and Greece. The simultaneous downfall of the Italian and Greek governments, following the public withdrawal of European confidence in their ability to handle the crisis, was followed by the establishment of technocrat-led governments based on parliamentary ‘super-majorities’ and then by ‘protest elections’, marked by unprecedented levels of electoral volatility. By apparently ending bipolarism, the crisis has completely changed patterns of national government formation and resulted in experiments with unusual government types. Both political systems have entered a transitional phase whose outcome is anything but certain, especially in the continuing context of economic crisis.     

Race relations,nationalism and the humanitarian Rohingya crisis in contemporary Myanmar

ABSTRACT

The recent ethnic tensions in Myanmar especially in the Rakhine state has once again placed the country onto the centre stage of global media attention. The aim of this paper is to look at race relations in contemporary Myanmar with a special focus on the Rohingya community. The paper argues that problematic race relations in the country today should be analysed within a certain historical context and should be seen as part of a historical continuum. This paper places a lot of importance on this historical continuum. In this connection, the British colonial policies of divide and conquer, politicians and their obsession with Buddhism and trying to make it the state religion shortly after independence in 1948, and the xenophobic policies followed by the military junta after 1962 deserve special mention. The paper further argues that the current state of affairs and escalation in violence has happened recently because of the convergence of the activities and ideologies of certain political groups like the military junta, the National League for Democracy, the Arakan League for Democracy, and the role played by certain Buddhist extremist groups like the MaBaTha in Burmese politics. To ease the existing tension in the Rakhine, the central government would need to take a more federally minded approach and introduce meaningful democracy and development in the frontier parts of the country where there is a strong ethnic minority presence.     

Introduction

This paper critically compares and evaluates regulationist and governance approaches to the transformation of the local state. It is prompted by the close connection often made between the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism and new forms of economic and political governance. The paper first reviews the conceptual background to current concerns with regulation and governance. It then considers the basic (meta-) theoretical assumptions and core concepts of the two paradigms and identifies parallels and convergences and well as some important differences in theoretical or substantive focus. Attention then shifts to posible conflicts or tensions between regulation and governance as axes of crisis-management and crisis-resolution in local economies and states. The paper notes some problems in attempts to combine concepts and arguments relating to governance and regulation and highlights the importance of the organization of inter-organizational relations in resolving regulation and governance problems. It concludes with suggestions for subsequent research on these issues.     

State intervention and neoliberalism in the globalizing world economy: lessons from Singapore's regionalization programme

The recent 1997-98 Asian economic crisis has thrown Asia's divergent pathways to development into serious question. Protagonists of neoliberalism argue that their agenda is now becoming a global orthodoxy when several ailing Asian economies have accepted IMF packages which come with neoliberal economic programmes. Drawing on lessons from Singapore's regionalization programme, this article contends that it is far too early to conclude that Asian developmental states are giving up their governance of domestic economies. Instead, there is evidence that these Asian developmental states are re-regulating their domestic economies to ride out of the economic crisis. The article first starts with the debate between neoliberalism and state developmentalism in our understanding of global political economy. It then examines the political economy of Singapore's regionalization programme through which Singapore-based transnational corporations are strongly encouraged by the state to regionalize their operations, followed by a critical discussion of the impact of the recent Asian economic crisis on the re-regulation of the regionalization programme by the state in Singapore. Some lessons for Asian emerging economies are suggested in the concluding section.     

Neo-liberalism and polycontextuality: banking crisis and re-regulation in Sweden

This article gives an account of the interpretative conflicts and re-regulative initiatives that followed the Swedish banking crisis in the 1990s. The analysis is based on systems theory and theories of governance conceptualizing steering and self-regulation. It shows the polycontextuality of the conflicts over the crisis, and how the re-regulation articulated central aspects of neo-liberal government, as conceptualized in terms of governance. The conclusion discusses two paradoxes. The first is that the enforced self-regulation of the re-regulative process 'frees' market actors by embedding them in new webs of governance. The second paradox is that every solution to a problematic event of this kind is at the same time seen as a new problem when observed with distinctions other than the one reduced by the solution.