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71.
Buried Alive 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Indigenous peoples struggle to survive the policies of the colonial states and their ability to annihilate, make invisible,
destroy and re-construct our ancient identities. This is my story. I am an Indigenous women to the country known now as Australia.
I write from the inside, about our law and life ways which hare buried alive by a dominant colonizing culture. The tale of
terra nullius, its capacity to bury us and its own capacity to survive and go on burying us is told. It is a story which has a resonance
beyond Australia, one that can be found throughout the world wherever there is struggle for the future of the planet, wherever
there is struggle for diversity, and resistance to being consumed by corporate greed and complicit states. It is finally a
story about hope for a way forward, and moving in a clear direction. A direction without illusion, one that braves the truth
as to our future as diverse peoples of colour, laws and cultures, the bearers of generations to come.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
72.
This article interrogates the relationship between the sovereign event and a legal decision that purports to place sovereignty
beyond law. It argues that sovereignty cannot be regarded as unitary, and elaborates the process of iterability by which the
sovereign event is split from the outset. This dynamic is examined through an interrogation of the non-justiciability of sovereignty
in Mabo v. Queensland (No. 2)(1992). Along with the unitary conception of sovereignty, Mabo (No. 2) deployed an absolute measure for community in the form of the ‘skeletal principle’ of the doctrine of tenure. The paper argues
that a conception of the political that affirms the One sovereign source of community and law instead of the original dis-position of law, nation and community repeats the original violence, and will, at best, run aground on the righteous (mis)recognition
of the ‘appropriate savage’. It concludes with an indicative rethinking of community through the thought of Jean-Luc Nancy.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
73.
Oscar Guardiola-Rivera 《Law and Critique》2006,17(1):107-127
This essay argues for the centrality of the study of paradoxes of particularity and universality in the interface between
law and politics in modernity. Particularly, in order to understand the process of constitution of a political collective
and the role of supernumerary elements that re-enter a constituted legal-political system. After introducing the question
of paradoxes or antinomies in the relation between law and politics in modernity, the essay engages with current understandings
of exceptionalism and the possibility of a leftist or ‘real’ suspension of the law. In order to do so, this essay makes full
use of certain theoretical tools developed in anthropological accounts of political and legal processes, and current French-oriented
and Latin American political philosophy. 相似文献
74.
对近年来我国域外送达的非常态事件以及调研数据的分析表明 ,先入为主的定性和效率的低下是我国目前域外送达中的诸种问题的症结所在。改变现状以提高送达效率的基本思路是观念的更新和完善有关制度。 相似文献
75.
大陆方面与台北当局固然在宪政与法理上均主张两岸之间只有一个国家的存在,但是台北在过去十多年始终对北京所提出的“一中原则”感到顾虑重重。未来双方展开政治接触之时,大陆可不可以避免使用台湾方面感到困扰的“一中原则”,与台北共同使用“中国领土主权完整”这一概念,以体现双方的有重叠与契合的精神与立场?从两岸双方发表过的重要文件与谈话,以及双方学界论辩的结果,证明用“中国领土和主权完整”的说辞作为双方都便于接受的“一中原则”表述的替代性方案,在理论上应是可以被接受的,而且双方更容易在政治上达成共识。 相似文献
76.
程雪阳 《甘肃行政学院学报》2011,(5):99-115,128
如何处理议会与法院关系,进而很好地保护人权,对世界各国来说都是一个重要且棘手的问题。长期以来人们只能在威斯敏斯特的议会至上和美国式司法审查模式之间做出非此即彼的选择。然而,1980年代之后,一种允许法院通过司法审查积极保护人权,但同时又尊重民主所要求的人民自我统治的新的司法审查模式,即弱司法审查模式正在兴起。梳理此一模式的制度发展脉络和相关学术争论,客观评价此种司法审查模式对“议会/法院”关系的处理以及人权的保护所可能带来的影响,并在此基础之上反思此种模式对于中国可能的意义,毫无疑问,是十分重要的。 相似文献
77.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):401-418
AbstractThis essay argues that Popper's work, seen from the vantage point of increasing historical distance, can be viewed as the first attempt to understand the grand narrative as the adjustment of metaphysics to the modern world. When viewed from such a distance enduring questions regarding holism, identity, essentialism, and truth can once again be thrown into relief, together with the pressing issues of the paradox of freedom and sovereignty. 相似文献
78.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):69-82
Abstract It is argued here that the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) has to be placed in the context of the failure to develop new international norms around questions of intervention in the 1990s. Far from embodying global consensus, R2P represents the failure of the West to impose new global norms. This lack of consensus was revealed most dramatically by the disagreements among Western states themselves before the 2003 Iraq invasion. It is argued that many of the principles of the War on Terror (such as the commitment to pre-emptive action) are substantively similar to those of R2P. The essay concludes by considering R2P in light of the decline of the West. 相似文献
79.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(4):395-417
The killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan was justified by the Obama administration as an act of self-defense. Proponents of an expanded notion of self-defense argue that sovereignty implies responsibility not only for the protection of human rights, but also for the provision of public goods more generally, including effective territorial control. States which are unable to control their territory frequently become safe havens for militants who threaten the security of other states. Pakistan is a paradigmatic case of a ‘sovereignty dodge’ who, in the eyes of the United States, has forfeited its sovereign right to non-interference because of its failure to live up to its responsibility to control. In this article I explore the legality of US strikes against militant targets in Pakistan. I conclude that while international jurisprudence continues to adhere to a conservative reading of the rules on the use of force, states themselves have interpreted the law on self-defense more broadly, evincing a desire to keep the rules as indeterminate as possible. 相似文献
80.
This paper examines Chinese perspectives on global governance, an area in which China has increased substantially the depth and breadth of its participation. The paper attempts to draw a mainstream perspective to inform our understanding of some key aspects of China's foreign policy. It demonstrates that while China's statist preference appeals to some Third World countries, such a preference leads the country to clash with the West over how to tackle global issues collectively, particularly over humanitarian intervention. While the Chinese perspective is in the process of evolving and far from reaching maturity, it is questionable whether the global community led by the West would find the Westphalian practice that China embraces admirable. 相似文献