The spectre of Haiti: structural antiblackness,the far-right backlash and the fear of a black majority in Brazil

Abstract

This article situates the far-right backlash in Brazil within the larger Latin American context, including its colonial legacy, leftist governments’ failure to deliver promises of inclusion, and the US–China geopolitical dispute over the region’s strategic natural resources. By situating Bolsonaro’s electoral victory within these dynamics, our analysis presents an alternative to two common perspectives. First, studies of the region’s political moment and of Brazilian society in particular do not pay enough attention to institutional and everyday racism, and instead focus mostly on comparative analysis of governmental policies and social class dynamics. Second, critical perspectives that take into account racial inequalities are often not attuned to structural dynamics of gendered antiblackness, and instead present racism as a broad set of practices that negatively affect non-white people in related manners. Our context-specific analysis of the electoral reemergence of the far right in Brazil aims at contributing to an understanding of persistent dynamics of racial inequality within the region as part of a long, enduring and foundational odium of Black people.     

中国媒体融合进程中的技术范式与政治逻辑

本文对讨论媒介变革中的两种范式--"数字革命范式"和"媒体融合范式"加以比较,并从媒体融合范式的理论框架出发,试图重新阐释中国媒体融合进程的主要特征与政治逻辑。从这一框架理解政府主导下的媒体融合进程,能够清晰地辨析出,这种政治与技术、产业间的互动可以有效地纠正技术自身发展所产生的"偏向"。中国的实践也反过来丰富与拓展了媒体融合范式的涵义与可能性。     

Hegel,Haiti and revolution: the post-colonial moment

Abstract

Susan Buck-Morss’s argument that the Haitian Revolution embodied the most universal aspect of the French Revolution, namely the quest for universal freedom, relies on the supposed references to Haiti in the master–slave dialogue in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit. The revolution’s lodgement at the core of this foundational text of Enlightenment universalism is, for her, about as convincing a demonstration as one can have of the universal significance of the Haitian Revolution. Marxists have opposed her venture, and demonstrated their hostility to post-colonial thinking, principally by claiming that the master–slave is an expression of European class conflict. This paper agrees with Buck-Morss that the Haitian Revolution critically affirmed the principle of universal freedom and, indeed, pushed the revolution in France and Europe in a radical direction. A better affirmation of the universal significance of the Haitian Revolution than the thoughts of Hegel is possible. The latter do not actually provide such affirmation, because racism, Eurocentrism and a hostility to political radicalism are fundamental aspects of Hegel’s thought. The alternative affirmation can be found in Marxist analysis. This paper outlines such an analysis, and concludes that post-colonialism of Buck-Morss’s sort is no substitute for the perspective provided by historical materialism.     

Kyrgyz “revolutions” in 2005 and 2010: comparative analysis of mass mobilization

This article compares causes and mechanisms of the mass mobilizations which took place in Kyrgyzstan in 2005 and 2010. The upheavals of 2005, the so called “Tulip Revolution,” led to the ousting of President Akaev who was replaced by Kurmanbek Bakiev. In 2010, Bakiev himself had to flee the country after violent social upheavals. As this analysis shows, the causes for both series of events were similar: neopatrimonial rule and the elite's control of resources together with oppressive tactics stirred up discontent among wide parts of the population and instigated violent protest. The mechanisms of mass mobilization, however, differed considerably. While the revolution of 2005 was carried out as the concerted action of varied political forces and NGOs, which, supported by patronage networks and traditional institutions, offered material and solidary incentives for the crowds, the great mass of people who took part in the 2010 protests were spontaneously mobilized through purposive incentives when news of the killings spread through the media.     

Before the Bombs There Were the Mobs: American Experiences with Terror 1

Terrorist studies rarely discuss activities before the invention of dynamite, which made modern terror possible. One important, interesting, and forgotten form is the mob terror campaign. Two significant successful American examples are examined and compared, “The Sons of Liberty” which ignited the American Revolution, and the Ku Klux Klan, which “won the peace” the South wanted after it lost the Civil War. The study concludes by briefly comparing modern with mob terror.     

近1O年来辛亥革命时期妇女运动研究综述

近10年来,辛亥革命时期的妇女运动研究取得了可喜的进展,在有关宏观性研究以及女子报刊、女子教育、女权思潮、女子参政和人物研究方面均发表了很多有价值的论文,提出了不少有见地的观点。但是,研究中也存在一些问题和不足,需要今后加以改进。     

党的群众路线的历史演进与现实意义

群众路线是党将马克思主义基本原理运用于中国革命实践的伟大创造,是党的理论、路线、方针和政策应有之义,体现了党的性质与宗旨,是党的根本工作路线、工作方法和宝贵经验总结。党根据不同时期的目标和任务,将群众路线创造性运用,赢得了民族的独立和人民的解放,走上了社会主义道路,取得了改革开放的伟大成就。在改革开放的新时期,只有坚持群众路线,才能永葆党的生机和活力,取得中国特色社会主义的伟大胜利。     

革命者与立法者之间：新英格兰乡镇的政治学理

美利坚独立革命的烽火首先从乡镇（波士顿、康科德、莱克星顿）点燃，并在乡镇联合行动中逐步形成燎原之势。1780年，在麻萨诸塞，新的邦宪条款的制定可以说是参加制宪大会（convention）的代表与他们各自所代表的乡镇民众不断讨论斟酌的结果，其中大、小乡镇之间围绕邦议会代表权、行政职位的设置、司法权的地位、邦与各乡镇之关系等现实议题的争论正是七年后费城合众国立宪大会的现实依据和学理基础。在丹尼尔·谢斯（Daniel Shays）及其率领的自耕农（Regulators）看来，麻萨诸塞政府已经成为东部商业利益集团谋取私利的工具，设在波士顿的新政府日趋脱离人民，走向专制，为此人民有责任揭竿而起，驱逐渡士顿的权力精英，捍卫《独立宣言》的基本原则；同样，在南、北战争前夕的南部种植园主看来，联邦政府已被以林肯及其共和党代表的东北部利益集团所操控，美利坚国家的立国原则遭到破坏，而南部“美利坚联众国”（the Confederate States of America）的使命正是意在捍卫美利坚国父们的立国精神。为此，对乡镇的历史考察和现实观照无疑是推进我们理解当代美国政治和美利坚政治文化的关键环节，本文正是这一努力的初步尝试。     

君本到民本、专制到民主——辛亥革命与中国社会意识形态的重建

辛亥革命及五四运动以后,近代社会思潮涌起,以儒学为主的封建社会意识形态逐渐解体。中国共产党人坚持以马克思主义为指导,最终确立了马克思主义在中国的社会意识形态主导地位,努力实现民本、民主的社会意识形态。     

再论列宁十月革命后的新闻思想

列宁十月革命后的新闻思想是我国新闻学研究中一个被颇为看重的话题。列宁提出苏维埃俄国报刊和广播思想的历史背景,以及大量关于报刊工作的论述,这些论述与无商品交换的共产主义试验的关系,以及向新经济政策的转变后有限地体现了他新闻思想变化的论述。在这里应当明确列宁是从政治家角度而不是从学术角度提出新闻的问题,他的一些关于报刊、广播的论述要解决的是眼前的现实困难,而不是在给媒体下某种定义。