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91.
Kevin A. Gee 《The History of the Family》2013,18(3):190-203
Between 1967 and 1978, over 17million urban youths in China systematically migrated to the rural countryside in a massive relocation movement known as the Sent-Down Movement. The youths who relocated—some by choice, though many forcibly—were part of a grand scheme envisioned by the then ruling Communist Party leader, Mao Zedong, who sought to reeducate urban youth by having them live and labor amongst their rural compatriots. Known as the “sent down youth”, these youths' experiences and struggles of moving to and returning from the countryside offer considerable insight into the ideological importance of family origins. Most notably, the revolutionary movement which swept over China at the height of the sent-down movement in the late 1960s reversed the hierarchical order of society; individuals with higher family origins were now criminalized making them prime targets for relocation to the countryside. In this quantitative analysis, I examine the relationship between family origins and the risk of departure to and return from the countryside for urban youth, using a unique longitudinal retrospective dataset, Life Histories and Social Change in Contemporary China. I analyze how this relationship plays out not only during the height of the movement, but throughout a more expansive time frame under which youths were reportedly sent-down (1957 to 1980). Through discrete-time survival analysis, I estimate that urban youths from higher family origins (rich peasant and landowner classes) experienced a greater risk for being sent-down versus their counterparts from lower family origins. Most interestingly, youths of higher family origins also experienced a lower risk for returning from the countryside; one interpretation of this finding is that even after spending time in the countryside in the pursuit of absolving themselves of their higher family origins, the stigma attached to their higher family origins persisted. 相似文献
92.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):193-210
Accounts of terrorism, which locate the emergence of the concept in the French Revolution, tend to accept two premises. First, they assume that the concept of terrorism names a particular form of violence. Second, they regard Robespierre as the first practitioner of terrorism, thus suggesting an understanding of the term as state violence. While this article substantiates the second premise by way of a discussion of the first systematic articulation of terrorism by Tallien in 1794, it problematises the first premise through an examination of archival evidence from the period between 1794 and 1797. By identifying a variety of conceptual uses of terrorism as a form of government, political philosophy and political identity, I argue for an expansion of the conceptual space within which terrorism is primarily understood as a form of violent action. 相似文献
93.
John Walton Cotman 《圆桌》2013,102(2):155-165
Abstract The Grenada Revolution’s radical course was stamped by the bold turn to Cuba in April 1979. Cuban commitment to Maurice Bishop’s regime was crucial to its consolidation. In 1983 counter-revolution and invasion ruptured Grenada–Cuba ties and damaged Havana’s relations with Caribbean Community states. Since the demise of the Cold War, Havana’s survival strategy has prioritised regional integration and cooperation in the Americas. In the Anglophone Caribbean, Grenada has been at the centre of this rapprochement since 1993. Despite Washington’s disapproval, Grenada champions expanded ties with socialist Cuba. The rekindled alliance brings tangible mutual benefits and validates the strategy of South–South cooperation advocated by Maurice Bishop’s People’s Revolutionary Government and New Jewel Movement. 相似文献
94.
95.
AbstractThis article is an intervention in some controversies concerning the role of the Communist International in and outside China. It seeks to tackle the inappropriate denial of its guidance and aid to the Chinese Revolution. In doing so, this paper makes several arguments. First, it argues that the Communist International provided the Chinese Revolution with valuable guidance, support and assistance. These contributed tremendously to the Communist Party of China’s birth, development, consolidation and maturation and advanced its theoretical self-consciousness. Second, while the Communist International gave its guidance in the sincere hope that the Chinese Revolution would benefit from correct theories and advanced experiences, it absolutised the theoretical conceptions of the classical Marxists and the Russian experience. This led to mistakes or misjudgments that deserve an accurate evaluation. Third, the Communist International was itself conducting theoretical exploration, and was generally able to adjust its own theories and change its strategies. Fourth, for all the Communist International’s guidance, the universal tenets of Marxism had to be integrated with the concrete practice of the Chinese Revolution, and it was the ability of Chinese communists to Sinicise Marxism–Leninism in what amounted to a theoretical revolution under Mao Zedong’s leadership that accounts for the revolution’s ultimate victory. 相似文献
96.
Karin Bowie 《议会、议员及代表》2018,38(3):279-292
ABSTRACTThe confirmation of a constitutional, rather than customary, right to petition the monarch in Scotland and England in 1689 has been recognized as an important precedent for modern constitutions, but the underlying forces impelling this historical transition have been less well recognized. The assertion of a constitutional right to petition the Scottish crown appeared after of decades of conflict over increasingly bold forms of collective political petitioning to crown and parliament. These innovations involved ordinary people in organized political protest, stimulating Scotland’s monarchs to block what they considered seditious and tumultuous activity. Standing laws against lese-majesté and unauthorized meetings were deployed to restrict petitioning, despite claims by Scottish dissidents for a customary liberty and natural right to petition. Within the composite British monarchy formed in 1603, England experienced similar but not identical conflicts over participative petitioning, leading revolutionary assemblies in both realms to demand in 1689 a right to supplicate the crown without fear of prosecution. Though Scotland’s monarchs still sought to discourage and evade unwelcome petitions, this new right allowed assertive political petitioning to crown and parliament to re-emerge in Scotland, contributing to the prominence of petitioning in British political culture after the Union of 1707. 相似文献
97.
Giorgio La Neve 《议会、议员及代表》2018,38(2):192-204
This article aims to investigate what may have been Thomas Paine's influence on the Girondin constitutional project presented by Marie-Jean-Antoine-Nicolas de Caritat Condorcet to the French National Convention, of which he was a member, on 14 and 15 February 1793. Indeed, the English radical was part of the nine-member committee, by the majority Girondin faction, in charge of drafting a new constitution for France. That project, which was accompanied by a Declaration of Rights, never came to fruition, but it has always been recognized as an important document for the interpretation of the evolutionary dynamics that characterized the French revolutionary period. Many of the provisions in the constitution recall Painite political thought, and studying this element can also be useful for understanding the links between the American and French Revolutions, given the fact that Paine actively participated in the experience of institutional upheaval initiated by the American colonists in 1775. The English thinker elaborated a political theory in his writings inspired by the most important democratic principles and based on respect and protection of fundamental human rights, all elements that, in their different mode of expression and declinations, can be found again in the Girondin constitutional charter of 1793. 相似文献
98.
Mevliyar Er 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(1):137-159
Abd-el-Krim al-Khattabi's guerilla tactics are said to have influenced several renowned revolutionaries, such as Ho Chi Minh and Mao Zedong. There is evidence that Che Guevara equally employed at least some of the tactics and methods, which were devised by the Rifis. After all, Alberto Bayo, the much respected guerilla trainer of Che, had fought during his military career for a relatively long period of time against the Rifis. Castro, yet another role model for Che, mentions in his biography that he read about the battle of Annual, one of the most successful attacks against the Spanish initiated by Abd-el-Krim in 1921. There are also claims that Che had met Abd-el-Krim in 1959 in Cairo. Castro does not mention that he had discussed with Che anything about his readings on the Rif War, but he clearly states that Bayo used to teach in his camp guerilla methods that he had encountered during his assignments in Morocco. However, neither Bayo nor Che (or their biographers) mention that any of the tactics imparted during the training were from the time of Abd-el-Krim's struggle. The only person praised by both men is the Nicaraguan rebel leader Augusto César Sandino. This article compares the tactical teachings of Bayo as well as the operational methods used by Che during his battles in Cuba with the methods applied by the Rifis under Abd-el-Krim's leadership, and highlights a number of tactical similarities. It also finds that the guerilla tactics applied by Sandino have little in common with the methods described by Bayo. 相似文献
99.
1919年11月,十月革命胜利两周年之际,列宁发表演讲,总结了苏维埃政权建设的经验,提出了要正确地对待农民的论断。但是,这条用流血换来的教训并没有为后来苏联领导层所认真贯彻,以至于在农民问题上失误一再出现。这是今天东方社会主义国家政党在农村和农民工作中应当认真思考的问题。 相似文献
100.
《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(8)
正THE history of diplomatic relations between the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and the People’s Republic of China is divided into three stages.The first,the formal establishment of relations between the two countries,was in 1974,and purely formal,even reticent,perhaps due to heavy dependence on the governments of Western powers prior to the Bolivarian Revolution.This period ended in 1999,with the rise to power of Supreme Commander Hugo Chavez,who from the beginning had the objective of strengthening ties between the two countries and achieving more and more optimal levels. 相似文献