Who is the enemy now? Islamophobia and antisemitism among Russian Orthodox nationalists before and after September 11

In this article Verkhovsky focuses on Russian nationalist groups who base their ideology on the Russian Orthodox tradition. These Russian Orthodox nationalists should be distinguished both from those nationalists for whom Orthodoxy is clearly overwhelmed by the ideological demands of ethno-nationalism, as well as from those who use Orthodoxy simply as a popular symbol of national identity. Orthodox nationalists, moreover, are fairly independent of the Moscow Patriarchate and its ideology. The ideology of Orthodox nationalism focuses both on its principal enemy, the Antichrist, and on those enemies subordinate to the Antichrist: Jews, Catholics, the West, the New World Order and so on. In the mid-1990s Islam had no obvious place among this set of hostile forces. The Moscow Patriarchate and moderately nationalist politicians, relying to some extent on Eurasianist ideas, saw the relationship between Orthodoxy and Islam in Russia as a harmonious one, and, on the whole, Orthodox nationalists did not disagree, although individuals occasionally claimed that the Jews, using the West, were setting Islam against Orthodox Russia. The situation began to change during the second Chechen war, when Orthodox nationalists began to issue warnings of an Islamic threat. This was related not only to the situation in former Yugoslavia and in Chechnya, but also to an increase in the immigration of Muslims to ethnically Russian regions of the country. For Orthodox nationalists, this Islamic threat was part of the larger threat coming from the Jews and the West. Islam, they claimed, was being used as a tool by the Antichrist not only because it was a flawed religion, but because it, being less godless than the West, would produce radical Islamism as a synthesis of western technology and eastern passion. In the intense debates that followed in the wake of the attacks of 11 September 2001 most Orthodox nationalists in Russia supported adopting a neutral position in the supposed ‘clash of civilizations’ between Islam and the West.     

Persistence and change in Soviet and Russian relations with Afghanistan

This paper examines persistence and change in the Soviet Union's and then Russia's relations with Afghanistan with respect to development and security. First, a detailed analysis of the promise and reality of Soviet development assistance reveals conceptual shortcomings in their attempt to induce economic development in Afghanistan. The Soviet Union's heritage is then revealed in order to understand Russia's current perception of post-Taliban Afghanistan as well as Russia's emerging interests and commitment to Afghanistan's economic development. This paper argues that Russia will most likely replicate standard industrialization development approaches in contributing to Afghanistan's development. Therefore, Russia will probably run into problems similar to those that led to the failure of the Soviet modernization project, which consisted of large-scale development projects that were inappropriate to the country's institutions and the lives of most Afghans. It is questionable whether such reiteration will induce economic development now, in the complex setting of a fragmented and fragile state with a multitude of external players looking out for their own interests.     

Environment and Energy: The Baltic Sea Gas Pipeline

Germany and Russia have agreed to build the Nord Stream gas pipeline. The 1,200 kilometers-long structure will run from Vyborg, Russia to Greifswald, Germany traversing the Baltic Sea. The Baltic countries, Finland, Poland and Sweden, have expressed concerns about the project. At issue is the environmental impact of the project as well as the energy, political, and socioeconomic implications.     

Acting small in a large state's world: Russia and the Baltic states

The interest in small states ebbs and flows as important international affairs include small states. Russia's actions and policies vis-à-vis Ukraine, and the resultant intensified apprehension among Russia's smaller neighbours, aim the proverbial microscope at the size and power discrepancies between states. Russia, by most metrics, is a large state and the Baltic states, by those same metrics, are small states. Small-state scholars expect large and small states to act differently. However, the case of Russia and the Baltic states indicates that large and small states do not, in fact, act all that different. This being the case, this article calls into question many of the assumptions made by small-state scholars about the difference between large- and small-state action and argues for changes within small-state studies as a subdiscipline of the larger international relations discipline.     

China-Russia Ten-thousand-mile Tea Road

正From November 5 to 14,2014,a nine-member European NGO study group visited China at the invitation of CAFIU.The members of the group came from Russian and Austrian NGOs and think tanks,some of whom are senior China experts.To help them get a comprehensive idea of China’s development,in Beijing,Deputy SecretaryGeneral Zheng Yao briefed the group on China’s     

黑龙江省壮大对俄贸易主体研究简

黑龙江省在对俄经贸合作上一直走在全国前列,并致力于打造对俄经贸平台.该省对俄贸易经营主体特点为私营企业领跑出口、国有企业引领进口;对俄贸易方式主体特点为一般贸易和边境小额贸易是主要贸易方式、边境小额贸易方式不可或缺、一般贸易方式开始占据主导地位;贸易商品主体特点为传统商品和机电产品占据出口大部分份额而地产品份额小、机电产品出口创新高、自俄进口资源性产品仍占主流.     

俄罗斯远东地区开发的历史变迁简

俄罗斯远东地区的历史是一部侵略与扩张、占领与控制、巩固与封闭的历史.20世纪90年代以来,俄罗斯远东地区进入开放与开发的新时期.历史上,俄对远东地区开发政治诉求高于经济利益;而在地缘经济时代,俄远东将更加注重与毗邻国家间的经济合作,取得经济利益的最大化.     

再论《奉俄协定》

《奉俄协定》是苏联政府为了落实其在《中苏协定》中关于共管中东铁路权益,与以张作霖为首的奉系集团所签订的协定.该协定的签署不仅开了苏联与中国地方当局订立协约的先河,同时对中苏关系乃至整个远东地区形势的发展产生了重大影响.奉直两个军阀集团之间的关系走向直接影响了奉苏交涉谈判进度和《奉俄协定》的签署,但该协定作为主权国与地方当局签订的协约有违于国际法的规定.     

INNOVATIVE DIPlOMACY

正PM’s visit enriches China’s cooperation with European partners By Bai ShiChinese Premier Li Keqiang paid an official visit to three European countries—Germany,Russia and Italy—between October 9 and 18.In addition to a good number of     

THIS WEEK

正CROSS-BORDER COLLABORATION Chinese soldiers march during the opening ceremony of the Peace Mission 2014 multinational anti-terror drill in Zhurihe,north China’s Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region,on August 24.Some 7,000 troops from five of the six member nations of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization—China,Russia,Kazakhstan,Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan—participated in the six-day exercise.